"Chancellor Hitler gave Jews their own town
Hitler took a gingerbread town in the Czech Republic – moved out the residents and turned it over to the Jews. It’s purpose was to provide a ‘ Spa environment ‘ for rich artistic Jews.
Hitler wanted a colony of German Jewish artists to create propaganda and serve as a example of his generosity"
|
|||
|
|
|||||||||
auschwitz concentration camp picture ,auschwitz camp concentration holocaust , auschwitz birkenau camp concentration ,auschwitz camp concentration information ,
, auschwitz camp concentration history ,auschwitz camp concentration photo, auschwitz camp concentration died each many ,
, auschwitz camp concentration map ,auschwitz concentration camp picture , auschwitz birkenau picture ,
,auschwitz gate picture , auschwitz chamber gas picture,theresienstadt, ghetto theresienstadt ,camp concentration theresienstadt
|
||
|
|||||||
Chancellor Hitler gave Jews their own town |
||
Town specially constructed for Jews |
||
Who was shipped here
|
The town was for Jewish artisans , the wealthy and their families. There were artists, writers, scientists and jurists, diplomats, musicians. |
|||||
|
||||||
Ferdinand Bloch were painters whoPavel Haas, Gideon Klein, Hans Krása and Viktor Ullmann were prized pupils and assistants of musical luminaries Leos Janacek and Arnold Schoenberg. |
||||||
|
||||||||
|
||||||||
|
|||||||||||||
|
|||||||||||||
|
|||||||||||
|
Opera
|
|||||||||
|
Plays
|
Though they were unstaged, his choruses also performed operas, particularly favoring two | |||||||
|
||||||||
Children
|
Theresienstadt was a magical place for the children because of the concentration of wealthy and artistic families. | ||||
Child's opera
|
|||||
The town was an 18th century treasure built around parks. |
|||||
Hans Krasa’s Brundibar, a children’s opera of good versus evil written in Czech, tells the tale of two children on a mission to buy milk for their sick mother. As they sing to raise money for the milk, their earnings are stolen by the evil old organ-grinder, Brundibar, who was displeased by the competition.With the help of a Sparrow, a Cat, and a Dog-also played by children-the brother and sister are able to outwit Brundibar, reclaim their money, and finally bring milk home to their mother. |
|||||
|
|||||
The town itself
Bloodlines of WW 2 leaders |
French occupation |
Winston Churchill's biography |
DISINFORMATION AND PROPAGANDA
“Theresienstadt Ghetto”
Published on 16 Mar 2013
“Theresienstadt concentration camp, also referred to as
Theresienstadt Ghetto
was established by the SS during World War II in the fortress and garrison city
of Terezín (German name Theresienstadt), located in what is now the Czech
Republic. During World War II it served as a Nazi concentration camp staffed by
German Nazi guards. Tens
of thousands of Jews were murdered there and over 150,000 others (including tens of
thousands of children) were held there for months or years, before then being sent to their deaths on rail
transports to Treblinka and Auschwitz extermination camps in Poland, as
well as to smaller camps elsewhere.
The fortress of Terezín was constructed between the years 1780 and 1790 by the orders of the Austrian emperor Joseph II in the north-west region of Bohemia. It was designed to be a component of a projected but never fully realized fort system of the monarchy, another piece being the fort of Josefov. Terezín took its name from the mother of the emperor, Maria Theresa of Austria who reigned as archduchess of Austria in her own right from 1740--1780. By the end of the 18th century, the facility was obsolete as a fort; in the 19th century, the fort was used to accommodate military and political prisoners.3
From 1914 until 1918 it housed one of its most famous prisoners: Gavrilo Princip. Princip assassinated Archduke Franz
Ferdinand of Austria and his wife on June 28, 1914, which led to the outbreak
of the First World War. Princip died in cell number 1 from tuberculosis on
April 28, 1918.The fortress of Terezín was constructed between the years 1780 and 1790 by the orders of the Austrian emperor Joseph II in the north-west region of Bohemia. It was designed to be a component of a projected but never fully realized fort system of the monarchy, another piece being the fort of Josefov. Terezín took its name from the mother of the emperor, Maria Theresa of Austria who reigned as archduchess of Austria in her own right from 1740--1780. By the end of the 18th century, the facility was obsolete as a fort; in the 19th century, the fort was used to accommodate military and political prisoners.3
Addition:
Karl Rahm was a Sturmbannführer (Major) in the German Schutzstaffel who, from February 1944 to May 1945, served as the Commandant of the Theresienstadt concentration camp. Rahm was the third and final commander of the camp, succeeding Siegfried Seidl and Anton Burger.
Rahm evacuated Theresienstadt on May 5, 1945 along with the last of the SS personnel. He was captured shortly afterward by American forces in Austria and extradited in 1947 to Czechoslovakia. Put on trial, Rahm was found guilty of crimes against humanity and sentenced to death. Rahm was executed on April 30, 1947, four hours after his guilty verdict had been handed down by the Czech court
Under Section 107 of the Copyright Act 1976, allowance is made for "fair use" for purposes such as criticism, comment, news reporting, teaching, scholarship, and research. Fair use is a use permitted by copyright statute that might otherwise be infringing. Non-profit, educational or personal use tips the balance in favor of fair use."
A look into WW2 leaders
and their bloodlines
Churchill-Jacobson | Roosevelt-Rosenfelt | Stalin-Djugashvili | Eisenhower-Eisenhaur |
Show on Art in Auschwitz Opens in Berlin |
|
The Museum at Auschwitz, 1941-45
By Sybil Milton (full acticle from this source (http://lastexpression.northwestern.edu/essays/Museumessay.001.pdf))
In October 1941 Rudolf Höss, the camp commandant at Auschwitz allowed a museum to open in barrack 6 at Auschwitz I. It moved to barrack 24 in March 1942, where it occupied two rooms until Auschwitz was liberated in late January 1945. "The goal of the museum was to collect, in small quantities, various rarities, art works, valuable objects, coin and stamp collections as well other rare objects located in the prisoners’ personal possessions (such as documents, awards, banners, liturgical clothing, etc.). About six prisoners were assigned to the museum. Two of them were assigned to translate the Talmud into German, one repaired watches for the SS, the remaining prisoners were mostly artists, graphic artists, or fine arts, and created works of art that were considered the property of the camp and were used as presents to visiting dignitaries from the Reich."
The initiative to open this museum had come from the Polish prisoner Franciszek Targosz, who had been deported to Auschwitz in December 1940, and assigned prisoner number 7626. In early 1941, Höss discovered Targosz sketching horses. Targosz knew that art not specifically ordered by the camp
administration was a punishable offense. To save himself, he suggested that Höss establish a museum in one of the camp barracks. The museum, Targosz argued, would provide a place of culture for Nazi officers stationed at Auschwitz. Such a museum would exhibit examples of Nazi-approved art, including handicrafts and folk objects "collected" from the prisoners. Höss saw the propaganda potential of such a museum, since Nazi dignitaries visiting Auschwitz would be impressed by his cultural achievement and he would also have a vehicle to show the supremacy of the Aryan race. He consented to the plan and ordered Targosz early in 1941 to organize the museum. Thus, Targosz managed both to save his own life and to have some of his drawings exhibited. The museum at Auschwitz remained open in several locations until the camp was liberated in 1945. Its exhibits included ceramics, glass, and metalwork crafted by prisoners, as well as coins and antiques confiscated from the deportees. It also displayed Nazi military regalia and documents, as well as Jewish prayer books, shawls, and phylacteries. The other art shown there included landscapes, portraits of Nazi officials, and illustrations of German legends.
Although the museum was not an official labor kommando for prisoners at Auschwitz I, it became a place where Polish artists incarcerated at Auschwitz could go after completing their official assignments. There they produced what was ordered, as well as their own works in their few free late evening hours and on Sundays.
The museum provided a temporary sanctuary for these artists (including Mieczyslaw Koscielniak, Jan Baras-Komski, Wlodzimierz Siwierski, Waldemar Nowakowski, Bronislaw Czech, and many others). The museum had materials available for officially commissioned works and thus also provided supplies for secret sketches, portraits, and caricatures, that they created for themselves. Thus, the Krakow sculptor Xawery
Dunikowski, prisoner number 774, was assigned to make a model of the camp. The materials available to him officially were, in part, filched for a series of clandestine portraits of sleeping fellow inmates. Similarly, the graphic artist Mieczyslaw Koscielniak, prisoner 15261, produced officially requested art showing the orchestra and hospital at Auschwitz, and used materials pilfered from this assignment for clandestine sketches of sickness, suffering, and despair. Initially Koscielniak had been assigned to heavy demolition labor in kommando number 2. There, he spontaneously risked talking to an SS guard and offered to draw his portrait in five minutes. Impressed by a portrait completed in such a short interval of time, the guard arranged for Koscielniak to be reassigned to work at the SS Deutsche Ausrüstungswerke, an armaments factory adjacent to Auschwitz I.
Koscielniak drew as a duty to the resistance movement, attempting to smuggle more than 300 works outside the camp, although only a relatively small number of these works are known to have survived.
It is clear that portraits were commissioned by the Germans as gifts to superiors or to their own families, and also for documentation of medical experiments. Thus, Josef Mengele commissioned a Czech Jewish artist, Dinah Gottliebova, to do portraits of Roma (Gypsy) prisoners as illustrations for a book he hoped to publish about his medical experiments in Auschwitz. Other prisoner artists, like Leo Haas, Halina Olomucki, and Arnold Daghani also reported receiving orders to do portraits of Nazi officers, often from photographs of relatives missing in action. If the resulting work was acceptable, it often helped secure more lenient work assignments or better rations. Obviously compulsory work produced by inmate artists was meticulously executed and technically excellent, since the interned artist?s fate depended on compliance with SS orders and whims. Moreover, paper, ink, and watercolor available through official work could be used
as materials for clandestine art.
A FACTUAL
APPRAISAL OF THE "HOLOCAUST" BY THE RED CROSS.
by NoEvidenceOfGenocide • Friday January 28, 2005 at 07:09 AM
by NoEvidenceOfGenocide • Friday January 28, 2005 at 07:09 AM
No Evidence Of Genocide
The Jews And The Concentration Camps:
A Factual Appraisal By The Red Cross.
A Factual Appraisal By The Red Cross.
There is one survey of the Jewish question in Europe during World War Two and the conditions of Germany's concentration camps which is almost unique in its honesty and objectivity, the three-volume Report of the International Committee of the Red Cross on its Activities during the Second World War, Geneva, 1948.
This comprehensive account from an entirely neutral source incorporated and expanded the findings of two previous works: Documents sur l'activité du CICR en faveur des civils détenus dans les camps de concentration en Allemagne 1939-1945 (Geneva, 1946), and Inter Arma Caritas: the Work of the ICRC during the Second World War (Geneva, 1947). The team of authors, headed by Frédéric Siordet, explained in the opening pages of the Report that their object, in the tradition of the Red Cross, had been strict political neutrality, and herein lies its great value.
The ICRC successfully applied the 1929 Geneva military convention in order to gain access to civilian internees held in Central and Western Europe by the Germany authorities. By contrast, the ICRC was unable to gain any access to the Soviet Union, which had failed to ratify the Convention. The millions of civilian and military internees held in the USSR, whose conditions were known to be by far the worst, were completely cut off from any international contact or supervision.
The Red Cross Report is of value in that it first clarifies the legitimate circumstances under which Jews were detained in concentration camps, i.e. as enemy aliens. In describing the two categories of civilian internees, the Report distinguishes the second type as "Civilians deported on administrative grounds (in German, "Schutzhäftlinge"), who were arrested for political or racial motives because their presence was considered a danger to the State or the occupation forces" (Vol. 111, p. 73). These persons, it continues, "were placed on the same footing as persons arrested or imprisoned under common law for security reasons." (P.74).
The Report admits that the Germans were at first reluctant to permit supervision by the Red Cross of people detained on grounds relating to security, but by the latter part of 1942, the ICRC obtained important concessions from Germany. They were permitted to distribute food parcels to major concentration camps in Germany from August 1942, and "from February 1943 onwards this concession was extended to all other camps and prisons" (Vol. 111, p. 78). The ICRC soon established contact with camp commandants and launched a food relief programme which continued to function until the last months of 1945, letters of thanks for which came pouring in from Jewish internees.
Red Cross Recipients Were Jews
In the course of the war, "The Committee was in a position to transfer and distribute in the form of relief supplies over twenty million Swiss francs collected by Jewish welfare organisations throughout the world, in particular by the American Joint Distribution Committee of New York" (Vol. I, p. 644). This latter organisation was permitted by the German Government to maintain offices in Berlin until the American entry into the war. The ICRC complained that obstruction of their vast relief operation for Jewish internees came not from the Germans but from the tight Allied blockade of Europe. Most of their purchases of relief food were made in Rumania, Hungary and Slovakia.
The ICRC had special praise for the liberal conditions which prevailed at Theresienstadt up to the time of their last visits there in April 1945. This camp, "where there were about 40,000 Jews deported from various countries was a relatively privileged ghetto" (Vol. III, p. 75). According to the Report, "'The Committee's delegates were able to visit the camp at Theresienstadt (Terezin) which was used exclusively for Jews and was governed by special conditions. From information gathered by the Committee, this camp had been started as an experiment by certain leaders of the Reich ... These men wished to give the Jews the means of setting up a communal life in a town under their own administration and possessing almost complete autonomy. . . two delegates were able to visit the camp on April 6th, 1945. They confirmed the favourable impression gained on the first visit" (Vol. I, p . 642).
The ICRC also had praise for the regime of Ion Antonescu of Fascist Rumania where the Committee was able to extend special relief to 183,000 Rumanian Jews until the time of the Soviet occupation. The aid then ceased, and the ICRC complained bitterly that it never succeeded "in sending anything whatsoever to Russia" (Vol. II, p. 62). The same situation applied to many of the German camps after their "liberation" by the Russians. The ICRC received a voluminous flow of mail from Auschwitz until the period of the Soviet occupation, when many of the internees were evacuated westward. But the efforts of the Red Cross to send relief to internees remaining at Auschwitz under Soviet control were futile. However, food parcels continued to be sent to former Auschwitz inmates transferred west to such camps as Buchenwald and Oranienburg.
No Evidence Of Genocide
Clearly, the German authorities were at pains to relieve the dire situation as far as they were able. The Red Cross are quite explicit in stating that food supplies ceased at this time due to the Allied bombing of German transportation, and in the interests of interned Jews they had protested on March 15th, 1944 against "the barbarous aerial warfare of the Allies" (Inter Arma Caritas, p. 78). By October 2nd, 1944, the ICRC warned the German Foreign Office of the impending collapse of the German transportation system, declaring that starvation conditions for people throughout Germany were becoming inevitable.
In dealing with this comprehensive, three-volume Report, it is important to stress that the delegates of the International Red Cross found no evidence whatever at the camps in Axis occupied Europe of a deliberate policy to exterminate the Jews. In all its 1,600 pages the Report does not even mention such a thing as a gas chamber. It admits that Jews, like many other wartime nationalities, suffered rigours and privations, but its complete silence on the subject of planned extermination is ample refutation of the Six Million legend. Like the Vatican representatives with whom they worked, the Red Cross found itself unable to indulge in the irresponsible charges of genocide which had become the order of the day. So far as the genuine mortality rate is concerned, the Report points out that most of the Jewish doctors from the camps were being used to combat typhus on the eastern front, so that they were unavailable when the typhus epidemics of 1945 broke out in the camps (Vol. I, p. 204 ff) - Incidentally, it is frequently claimed that mass executions were carried out in gas chambers cunningly disguised as shower facilities. Again the Report makes nonsense of this allegation. "Not only the washing places, but installations for baths, showers and laundry were inspected by the delegates. They had often to take action to have fixtures made less primitive, and to get them repaired or enlarged" (Vol. III, p. 594).
Not All Were Interned
Volume III of the Red Cross Report, Chapter 3 (I. Jewish Civilian Population)
deals with the "aid given to the Jewish section of the free population," and
this chapter makes it quite plain that by no means all of the European Jews were
placed in internment camps, but remained, subject to certain restrictions, as
part of the free civilian population. This conflicts directly with the
"thoroughness" of the supposed "extermination programme", and with the claim in
the forged Höss memoirs that Eichmann was obsessed with seizing "every single
Jew he could lay his hands on."In Slovakia, for example, where Eichmann's assistant Dieter Wisliceny was in charge, the Report states that "A large proportion of the Jewish minority had permission to stay in the country, and at certain periods Slovakia was looked upon as a comparative haven of refuge for Jews, especially for those coming from Poland. Those who remained in Slovakia seem to have been in comparative safety until the end of August 1944, when a rising against the German forces took place. While it is true that the law of May 15th, 1942 had brought about the internment of several thousand Jews, these people were held in camps where the conditions of food and lodging were tolerable, and where the internees were allowed to do paid work on terms almost equal to those of the free labour market" (Vol. I, p. 646).
Not only did large numbers of the three million or so European Jews avoid internment altogether, but the emigration of Jews continued throughout the war, generally by way of Hungary, Rumania and Turkey. Ironically, post-war Jewish emigration from German-occupied territories was also facilitated by the Reich, as in the case of the Polish Jews who had escaped to France before its occupation. "The Jews from Poland who, whilst in France, had obtained entrance permits to the United States were held to be American citizens by the German occupying authorities, who further agreed to recognize the validity of about three thousand passports issued to Jews by the consulates of South American countries" (Vol. I, p. 645).
As future U.S. citizens, these Jews were held at the Vittel camp in southern France for American aliens. The emigration of European Jews from Hungary in particular proceeded during the war unhindered by the German authorities. "Until March 1944," says the. Red Cross Report, "Jews who had the privilege of visas for Palestine were free to leave Hungary" (Vol. I, p. 648). Even after the replacement of the Horthy Government in 1944 (following its attempted armistice with the Soviet Union) with a government more dependent on German authority, the emigration of Jews continued.
The Committee secured the pledges of both Britain and the United States "to give support by every means to the emigration of Jews from Hungary," and from the U.S. Government the ICRC received a message stating that "The Government of the United States ... now specifically repeats its assurance that arrangements will be made by it for the care of all Jews who in the present circumstances are allowed to leave" (Vol. I, p . 649).
Biedermann agreed that in the nineteen instances that "Did Six Million Really Die?" quoted from the Report of the International Committee of the Red Cross on its Activities during the Second World War and Inter Arma Caritas (this includes the above material), it did so accurately.
A quote from Charles Biedermann (a delegate of the International Committee of the Red Cross and Director of the Red Cross' International Tracing Service) under oath at the Zündel Trial (February 9, 10, 11 and 12, 1988).
The above is chapter nine from the book "Did Six Million Really Die?"
For the entire book "Did Six Million Really Die?", click here.
The Roosevelts (nee Rosenfelt) were Jewish Dutch
Marten Van Rosenfelt
|
Claes Martensen Van Rosenfelt
|
Nicholas Roosevelt
|
+----------------------------+
| |
Johannes Roosevelt Jacobus Roosevelt
| |
Jacobus Roosevelt Isaac Roosevelt
| |
Jacobus Roosevelt James Roosevelt
| |
Cornelius Roosevelt Isaac Roosevelt
| |
Eliot Roosevelt James Roosevelt = Sara Delano
| |
Anna Eleanor----married-------Franklin Delano [U.S. President]
|
||||||||
|
||||||||
|
Stalin's wives
|
Eisenhower
Had
Jewish Blood
Eisenhower's West Point Military Academy graduating class yearbook, published in 1915, Eisenhower is identified as a "terrible Swedish Jew." In 1943, Washington not only transferred Col. Eisenhower to Europe but promoted him over more than 30 more experienced senior officers to five star general and placed him in charge of all the US forces in Europe.
|
In 1945 Eisenhower threw 1.7
million Germans in open fields which killed approx 1.2 million
|
Theresienstadt’s Musical Life
Commenting on the diversity of cultural life there, the former inmate Ruth Klüger observed that, 'In Theresienstadt, culture was valued'. In this former provincial town, a musical life developed that might have equalled that of a larger town both in terms of the level and breadth of its offerings. Alongside the existence of numerous choirs, cabaret groups, classical and popular orchestras, musical criticism was written, music instruction was given, and a 'Studio for Modern Music' was created and led by Viktor Ulmann. One could hear the symphonic and chamber works of Mozart, Beethoven, Brahms, Janácek or Suk, in addition to oratorios, religious and national songs, and operas like Carmen, Tosca, or The Bartered Bride. If one was in possession of a rarely-given authorization slip, one could spend two hours in the coffee house which was opened on December 8, 1942, and hear popular music and swing. Further, new pieces of music in the most varied styles were composed and premiered in Theresienstadt. In part, these directly confronted camp reality through their music or lyrics. For such performances, composers had an amazingly large pool of potential performers. This was due to the fact that many imprisoned artists sought to retain their musical identity through continuation of their earlier activities. The stars amongst them were freed from physically strenuous work assignments as part of the 'Division for Recreation' (Freizeitgestaltung). Furthermore, because of their respected position, they received some small benefits (better lodgings, extra provisions) and until the autumn of 1944 they were to some extent even protected from deportation to Auschwitz. Yet musical life in Theresienstadt was not only defined by professionals; non-professionals, too, made important contributions.Such moments of culture stood in sharp contrast to the daily attempt to survive. However, because it was useful for propaganda purposes, the SS camp leadership not only tolerated, but welcomed the cultural life of the prisoners. In December 1943 the so-called “beautification of the city” (Stadtverschönerung) was ordered. Its goal was supposed to be the presentation of Theresienstadt to the world as a model example of a Jewish settlement. The great time and effort put into this diversionary tactic eventually succeeded when in the summer of 1944, a visiting commission of the Red Cross was presented with a Potemkinesque village. The inmates played them Verdi’s Requiem and the children’s opera Brundibár by Krása. The commission could even overhear sounds of the outlawed jazz coming from the 'Ghetto Swingers'.
The propaganda film Theresienstadt. Ein Dokumentarfilm aus dem Jüdischen Siedlungsgebiet (Theresienstadt:
A Documentary Film of the Jewish Settlement Area), made there in August
and September 1944, served a similar propaganda purpose. However, in
the so-called liquidation transports from September 28 to October 28,
1944 around 18,400 people were deported to Auschwitz, among them the
composers Pavel Haas, Hans Krása, Gideon Klein, and Viktor Ullmann.
Afterwards and for the same propagandistic reasons, cultural life was
once again rebuilt in Theresienstadt, through the help of the remaining
inmates and newly-arrived prisoners.
Yet even some artists fell victim to the illusion of the 'model ghetto' and dedicated themselves solely to questions of music aesthetics. The separate world they created through art hindered them from becoming aware of their role as instruments of propaganda. As the jazz musician Eric Vogel stresses:
Yet even some artists fell victim to the illusion of the 'model ghetto' and dedicated themselves solely to questions of music aesthetics. The separate world they created through art hindered them from becoming aware of their role as instruments of propaganda. As the jazz musician Eric Vogel stresses:
We musicians did not think that our oppressors saw us only as tools in their hands. We were obsessed with music and were happy that we could play our beloved jazz. We contented ourselves with this dream world that the Germans were producing for their propaganda.Nevertheless, the artistic activities in Theresienstadt did not only serve propaganda or as ends in themselves. In the musicians’ appearances at old age homes and at hospices, in their mentoring of newly arrived artists, and especially in their performance of Brundibár, one gets a sense not only of the solidarity of the musicians with their fellow prisoners, but also of the educational, cultural-political, and psychological mission of music at Theresienstadt. Just by refusing to accept their current situation, the musicians were giving a sign to the others. Music thus became a means of retaining the identities of both musician and listener. Music simultaneously served to promote survival and signified hope for a better world. The interest in music at the camp is revealed in the fact that performances were frequently repeated and that tickets needed to be issued. Precisely because of the extreme situation of the camp and the possibility of death, the interest in music at Theresienstadt underscores the metaphysical content of art.
Ultimately,
however, Theresienstadt was no oasis of Jewish culture, despite its
musical diversity. Though it was easier here than in other camps to
round up paper, sheet music and instruments or to set up rehearsals or
performances because music making was officially allowed, there were
limitations even in this 'model camp'. Like their fellow prisoners, the
musicians suffered from hunger, were endangered by the outbreaks of
disease, and threatened by deportation. Further, organizational
considerations precluded many prisoners from taking part in the artistic
offerings, while still others were no longer physically capable of
doing so.
External Conditions
For this reason, one must always keep in mind the assessment of Miroslav Kárný, historian and survivor of Theresienstadt. He wrote that the enormous musical and cultural life 'affected the internal life of the camp only minimally and only temporarily'. Alongside its political and propagandistic task, Theresienstadt also served as a collection point at which approximately 33,500 humans died of hunger, disease, and physical as well as psychological exhaustion. It served further as a temporary stop on the way to the death camps, primarily to Auschwitz-Birkenau, where about 84,000 men, women, and children who had been dragged there from Theresienstadt were killed.
This
should highlight the danger represented in reducing Theresienstadt and
the music produced and played there to anything but a symbol of humanity
under inhumane conditions. According to the historian Wolfgang Benz,
there is a long-standing 'myth of Theresienstadt' that has been built up
through the many memorial concerts and performances of 'Music from
Theresienstadt'. This myth carries with it a tremendous danger of
'fictionalizing the historical place' and fictionalizing the predominant
living conditions. For this reason, it is important to take into
account that in comparison with the concentration camps, Theresienstadt –
precisely because of its special function and history – possessed
inherently more favorable conditions for cultural production.
A hundred-person unit of the protectorate police acted as an external guard. In contrast to the members of the SS, most of the Czech policemen behaved respectably toward the prisoners. Sometimes there was even contact with Prague, which also came to include the exchange of sheet music, for example. The internal activities of the camp were overseen by a 'Ghetto Police' that was staffed by prisoners. For this reason, the SS was less well represented within the camp. As a result, the freedom for music making was much greater there than in most other camps, and the resort to illegality hardly necessary. This does not mean, however, that one could always play music without external coercion or limitation or that it always happened legally.
The prisoner community consisted almost exclusively of Jews or persons classified as Jewish. In addition, despite the fact that males and females were generally housed separately, they were relatively free to move around within the camp’s borders, especially in comparison to a concentration camp. It was this that made it comparatively easier to get into contact with someone or to make the necessary preparations for a music performance. The majority of cultural activities were centrally coordinated by prisoners either primarily or secondarily associated with some sort of bureaucratic work assignment. This occurred under the auspices of the so-called 'Division for Recreation', a subdivision of the Jüdischen Selbstverwaltung ('Jewish Self-Government' – a type of Jewish Council) that the camp leadership had officially authorized in autumn 1942.
Alongside other divisions for theatre, lectures, a central library, and sporting events, the 'Jewish Self-Government' contained a 'music division'. This, in turn, was subdivided into branches for 'Opera and Vocal Music', 'Instrumental Music', 'Coffeehouse Music' and 'Instrument Administration'. This created an organizational framework for the permitted and/or tolerated musical life in Theresienstadt to take place. Summaries listing public performances were even hung up for general consumption. As the pianist Alice Sommer recalled:
A hundred-person unit of the protectorate police acted as an external guard. In contrast to the members of the SS, most of the Czech policemen behaved respectably toward the prisoners. Sometimes there was even contact with Prague, which also came to include the exchange of sheet music, for example. The internal activities of the camp were overseen by a 'Ghetto Police' that was staffed by prisoners. For this reason, the SS was less well represented within the camp. As a result, the freedom for music making was much greater there than in most other camps, and the resort to illegality hardly necessary. This does not mean, however, that one could always play music without external coercion or limitation or that it always happened legally.
The prisoner community consisted almost exclusively of Jews or persons classified as Jewish. In addition, despite the fact that males and females were generally housed separately, they were relatively free to move around within the camp’s borders, especially in comparison to a concentration camp. It was this that made it comparatively easier to get into contact with someone or to make the necessary preparations for a music performance. The majority of cultural activities were centrally coordinated by prisoners either primarily or secondarily associated with some sort of bureaucratic work assignment. This occurred under the auspices of the so-called 'Division for Recreation', a subdivision of the Jüdischen Selbstverwaltung ('Jewish Self-Government' – a type of Jewish Council) that the camp leadership had officially authorized in autumn 1942.
Alongside other divisions for theatre, lectures, a central library, and sporting events, the 'Jewish Self-Government' contained a 'music division'. This, in turn, was subdivided into branches for 'Opera and Vocal Music', 'Instrumental Music', 'Coffeehouse Music' and 'Instrument Administration'. This created an organizational framework for the permitted and/or tolerated musical life in Theresienstadt to take place. Summaries listing public performances were even hung up for general consumption. As the pianist Alice Sommer recalled:
The so-called Division for Recreation organized the concerts. Every Monday we went to a barracks and on a board there was the program for the entire week.Apart from this, there were performances organized by proactive prisoners, specific work details, organizations of entire homes, 'celebrities' and other various groupings.
Ghetto, not Concentration Camp
With regards to the above factors, Theresienstadt is comparable to the other ghettos of the Nazi regime. In their original historical sense, ghettos could refer to residential areas, city neighbourhoods, or city sections that were demarcated from the rest of the city and inhabited exclusively by Jews. By contrast, the ghettos set up by the Nazi regime during World War II were sealed-off and controlled areas that acted as transition points on the way to the 'Final Solution'. Theresienstadt was the only ghetto in the 'Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia'. This, in addition to its special position within the camp system, explains its deviations from the ghettos of Poland as well as those in the occupied and annexed territories of the Soviet Union. These deviations include, for example, the fact that it was never in danger of complete dissolution or destruction, and that the area on which it rested was not one historically populated by Jews. Nonetheless, Theresienstadt should be classified within the Nazi camp system as a ghetto and not a concentration camp. Theresienstadt was set up in an already existing city and was led by a Jewish Council, dependent for its existence upon the camp commandant. The Council had greater freedom to shape camp life than the so-called Häftlingsselbstverwaltung ('Prisoner Self-Governments') of the concentration camps. The 'Prisoner Self-Governments' were restricted by the barracks structure of the usually recently-constructed concentration camps, and further were staffed by prisoner functionaries, all appointed by the SS.Theresienstadt distinguished itself additionally through its makeup, structure, external appearance, method of oversight, as well as its administrative and formal mandate. This notwithstanding, life in Theresienstadt, like other Nazi internment centres, was characterized by entirely inhumane living conditions: hunger, epidemic disease, sickness and death were omnipresent. The medical and hygienic conditions were entirely inadequate. The living quarters were overcrowded. The atmosphere was filled with anxiety and the prisoners’ impending fate remained entirely uncertain. From a total of 141,000 prisoners in Theresienstadt only about 23,000 lived to see the end of the war.
Guido Fackler
Sources
Dutlinger, Anne Dobie (Ed.): Art, Music and Education as Strategies for Survival: Theresienstadt 1941–1945. New York 2000.
Fackler, Guido: „Des Lagers Stimme” – Musik im KZ. Alltag und Häftlingskultur in den Konzentrationslagern 1933 bis 1936. Mit einer Darstellung der weiteren Entwicklung bis 1945 und einer Biblio-/Mediographie (DIZ-Schriften, Bd. 11). Bremen: Edition Temmen, 2000, S. 449-457.
Fackler, Guido: „Musik der Shoah“ – Plädoyer für eine kritische Rezeption“. In: Eckhard John / Heidy Zimmermann (Hg.): Jüdische Musik. Fremdbilder – Eigenbilder. Köln / Weimar: Böhlau, 2004, S. 219-239.
Karas, Joža: Music in Terezín 1941–1945. New York 1985.
Kuna, Milan: Musik an der Grenze des Lebens. Musikerinnen und Musiker aus böhmischen Ländern in nationalsozialistischen Konzentrationslagern und Gefängnissen. 2. Aufl. Frankfurt a.M. 1998.
KZ Musik. Music composed in concentration camps (1933–1945). Dir. by Francesco Lotoro. Rome: Musikstrasse, starting 2006 with 4 CDs (http://www.musikstrasse.it). – This cd-collection tries to record all compositions and songs created in the different nazi camps.
Wlaschek, Rudolf M. (Hg.): Kunst und Kultur in Theresienstadt. Eine Dokumentation in Bildern. Gerlingen 2001.
„Verdrängte Musik. NS-verfolgte Komponisten und ihre Werke” – Schriftenreihe der Berliner Intitative „musica reanimata. Förderverein zur Wiederentdeckung NS-verfolgter Komponisten und ihrer Werke e.V.”, die außerdem das Mitteilungsblatt „mr-Mitteilungen” herausgibt (http://www.musica-reanimata.de).
Witness Testimonies
Klüger, Ruth: weiter leben. Eine Jugend. Göttingen 1993, quote on 101.Vogel, Eric: Jazz im Konzentrationslager. In: Ritter, Franz (Hg.): Heinrich Himmler und die Liebe zum Swing. Leipzig: Reclam, 1994, 228-244, quote on 237
History of Ghetto
Theresienstadt
The word "ghetto" derives from the name of an area of the city of Venice where the city's foundries were located. In the Venetian dialect, a foundry was known as a "geto" which meant a workshop or a factory. The word "geto" was derived from the verb "gettare" which means "to cast" as in to cast iron in a foundry.
After the Jews were expelled from Spain in 1492 and from Portugal in 1497, many of them settled in Venice. In 1516, a city decree forced the Jews of Venice to live on a small island with only two access points which were sealed off at sunset. This island had previously been the area of the "gheto nuovo" or new workshops.
However, even before the word ghetto came into use, the Jews, particularly in Poland, were confined to walled sections of the city where they lived. In 1492 the Jews of Krakow in Poland were put into a walled-off section after they were accused of setting fires in the city. There were no walled Jewish ghettos in the Old Reich, as Germany proper was called, during Hitler's regime. Hitler sent the German Jews to the Lodz ghetto, located in what had formerly been Poland or to Theresienstadt, located in what was formerly the country of Czechoslovakia.
After the Nazis invaded Poland and then occupied the country, they initially put the Polish Jews into ghettos, using the excuse that had been used for centuries, that the Jews were responsible for spreading disease. Later, these ghettos became a convenient way to concentrate the Jews in one location for eventual transport to the concentration camps for extermination in Hitler's "Final Solution to the Jewish Question."
On October 10, 1941, the Germans initially decided to make Theresienstadt into a ghetto for selected Jews in the German Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia, and in the Greater German Reich, which included Austria and part of western Poland. The Jews who were to be sent to Theresienstadt included those over 60 years old, World War I veterans, prominent people such as artists or musicians, very important persons, the blind, the deaf, and the inmates of the Jewish mental hospitals and the Jewish orphanages.
The first Jews, who were brought to Theresienstadt on November 24, 1941, were 342 men who were housed in the Sudeten barracks on the west side of the old garrison, from where one can see the Sudeten mountain range near the border between Germany and the Czech Republic. This first transport, called the Aufbaukommando, was brought there to prepare the 10 barracks buildings for the rest of the Jews who would soon follow. On December 4, 1941 another transport of 1,000 Jews who were to form the Jewish "self-government" of the ghetto was sent to Theresienstadt. These two early transports became known as AK1 and AK2.
A short time after the construction crews had prepared the barracks, 7,000 Jews from Prague and Brno in what is now the Czech Republic arrived in the ghetto; men and women were put into separate barracks and they were not allowed to mix with the townspeople. On Feb. 16, 1942, the 3,500 townspeople were given notice that they had to evacuate the town by June 30th. At that time, the whole town was converted into a prison camp for the Jews.
Even before the transports departed to Theresienstadt, the Jewish Council of the Elders (Ältestenrat) was appointed in Prague to do the ghetto administration. The Nazis gave oral orders to the Council each day and the Jewish "self-government" informed the prisoners of the order of the day.
There were three Jewish Elders (Judenältester) who served in turn as the head of the ghetto "self-government." The first was Jakob Edelstein, who served as the ghetto Elder from December 4, 1941 to November 27, 1943. He was arrested for falsifying camps records and was sent to the Small Fortress across the river from the ghetto. From there he was transferred to Auschwitz where he was first put on trial in a Nazi court and was then executed at the infamous "black wall" on June 20, 1944 after being forced to watch as his wife and son were being shot.
The second Jewish leader of Theresienstadt was Dr. Paul Eppstein who was taken to the Small Fortress on September 7, 1944 and immediately shot without the benefit of a trial because he too disobeyed the orders of the Nazis. The last Jewish leader of the ghetto was Dr. Benjamin Murmelstein, who served from Sept. 7, 1944 until the end of the war. The ghetto guards were 150 Czech policemen; there was also an unarmed Jewish ghetto guard unit which helped to maintain order in the ghetto. On the wall near the entry door to the Museum in the Magdeburg building, there is a plaque which lauds the Jewish leaders in the ghetto for their resistance against the Nazis, even though it meant death for two of the Elders.
The first name that the Nazis gave to the garrison town, which had been renamed Terezin by the Czechs, was Theresienbad, which means Spa Theresien, implying that it was a spa town where people could take mineral baths. Then the name was changed to Reichsaltersheim, or State Old People's Home. Some of the unsuspecting elderly Jews in Germany actually paid for an apartment in the ghetto and signed contracts for housing, food and medical treatment which was to be provided. They were very disappointed when they got to Theresienstadt and learned that it was nothing like the spa town or old folks home that they were expecting and that they were not going to have luxury accommodations, even though they had paid. Since they were too old to work, their rations were less than the amount given to the workers, and their mortality rate was extremely high.
Theresienstadt is frequently referred to as the "Paradise Ghetto," although this was never a name used by the Nazis. For most of its existence, the Theresienstadt ghetto was called the Jewish Self Administration or Jüdische Selbstverwaltung.
Besides the ordinary people who were sent to the Nazi concentration camps, there were also many well known and prominent Jews, who were incarcerated along with the others. In every camp where these prominent people were confined, they were given privileged treatment and Theresienstadt was no exception.
Important people, such as Rabbi Dr. Leo Baeck of Berlin, whom the Nazis called "the Pope of the Jews," were given private apartments in Theresienstadt. The rest of the Jews were housed in large barrack rooms where they were crowded together into three rows of triple decker wooden bunk beds. As the ghetto filled up, the newcomers were forced to live in attic space without heat, running water or toilets.
Each transport to the camp contained around 1,000 Jews. Upon arrival, the Jews went through a checkpoint, which was called die Schleuse, which means the lock as in a lock on a canal. Here they were searched for items that were forbidden in the camp. After that, the men and women were assigned to separate barracks. The barracks were named after towns in Germany, for example, the Dresden and Magdeburg barracks for the women, the Hanover barracks for men and Hamburg barracks for women. The Magdeburg barracks also housed the offices of the Jewish "self-government."
A total of 44,693 Jews from Theresienstadt were sent to Auschwitz, where all but a few of them perished. On September 8, 1943, a transport of 5,006 Czech Jews was sent to Auschwitz where they were put into a "family camp" which was liquidated six months later. There were 22,503 Jews from Theresienstadt who were transported to unknown destinations in the east.
In keeping with the stated policy at the Wannsee Conference on January 20, 1942, Hitler's plan was to evacuate all the Jews to the east. Eight thousand were sent from Theresienstadt to Treblinka and 1,000 to Sobibor, two death camps that were right on the border between German occupied Poland and the Soviet Union. Another 1,000 were transported from the Theresienstadt ghetto to a concentration camp near the village of Maly Trostenets, just outside of Minsk in what is now Belarus, better known to Americans as White Russia. Two thousand Jews from the ghetto were sent to Zamosc, 3,000 to Izbica and 3,000 to Lublin, all of which were cities near the eastern border of occupied Poland.
Although the Theresienstadt ghetto was originally supposed to be a home for elderly Jews, the Nazis began including some of the older inmates in the transports to the east after the camp population on September 18, 1942 had reached 58,497, its highest number of prisoners. With such horrendous overcrowding, the death toll was around 4,000 just for the month of September in 1942 and most of the dead were elderly people. Between September 19, 1942 and October 22, 1942, there were 11 transports carrying ghetto inmates from Theresienstadt to other camps farther east in order to relieve the overcrowding.
In the northwest section of the old garrison town, there is a building, called the Bauhof by the Nazis, that was used in the ghetto for craft workshops. It is the yellow building shown in the photograph below. To the right you can see part of the old fortifications; the road shown in the photograph goes through an opening in the fortifications here.
The homicidal gas chamber is directly across from the Jäger (Hunter) barracks, an identical building on the opposite side of the town, which was used as a disinfection station where the prisoners and their clothing were deloused. The prisoners were disinfected by being completely submerged in a tub containing a chemical which would kill the lice on their bodies. At the same time, their clothing was disinfected by hot steam, and they would have to put their clothes back on while they were still wet and then return to their barracks. The oldest inmates of the ghetto were housed in the Jäger barracks so they wouldn't get chilled by walking through the cold in wet clothes. Behind the Jäger barracks is the Südberg or South Hill where a a soccer field was built for the inmates.
The ghetto inmates became aware of the Theresienstadt homicidal gas chamber and were planning to blow it up, but the war ended just in time to save the Theresienstadt Jews from being gassed right in the ghetto. In October 1944, the Jews at Birkenau (Auschwitz II) did manage to blow up one of the homicidal gas chambers and shortly thereafter, Heinrich Himmler is believed to have ordered the gassing operation to be stopped. The gas chambers at Auschwitz-Birkenau were converted into air raid shelters, since the Allies had begun bombing the camp, after taking aerial photos which showed extensive munitions factories there.
The photograph below shows the fortifications on either side of the Litomerice gate on the northwest side of Theresienstadt. When Theresienstadt was a ghetto for the Jews, this road was closed off and there was no traffic through the garrison town.
After April 20, 1945, there were 13,454 of these wretched survivors from Auschwitz and other camps who poured into Theresienstadt. Some were housed in the Hamburg barracks, right by the railroad tracks. The others were put into temporary wooden barracks outside the ghetto, which were taken down soon after the war. Some of the newcomers had been evacuated from Buchenwald on April 5th just before the camp was liberated by American troops on April 11, 1945. Before the Americans arrived, Hitler himself had given the order to evacuate the Jews from Buchenwald in an effort to prevent them from exacting revenge on German citizens after they were freed. Some of them arrived at Theresienstadt in terrible condition after they had been traveling by train for two weeks without food. After the liberation of Buchenwald, some of the prisoners, who had not been evacuated, commandeered American army jeeps and weapons, then drove to the nearby town of Weimar where, in an orgy of revenge, they looted German homes and shot innocent civilians at random; this was the type of thing that the Nazis were trying to prevent by evacuating the concentration camps before they were liberated.
According to Holocaust survivor Ben Helfgott, who was one of the prisoners brought to Theresienstadt in the last days of the war, the inmates of the Theresienstadt ghetto went on a rampage as soon as they were released. They looted homes, beat to death an SS guard from the ghetto, and attacked the ethnic Germans who were now homeless refugees, fleeing to Germany, after being driven out of the Czech provinces of Bohemia and Moravia.
Some of the people who arrived from the evacuated camps were former inmates of Theresienstadt who were now returning. Others were Jews who had been in the eastern concentration camps for years. On May 3, 1945, the ghetto was turned over to the Red Cross by Commandant Karl Rahm.
According to Martin Gilbert in his book "Holocaust Journey," Rahm told the Red Cross that he had received orders from Berlin to kill all the inmates in the ghetto before the Russians arrived, but he had disobeyed the order. Because of this, Gilbert wrote, Rahm was allowed to leave the camp unmolested on the day before the Russians arrived on May 8, 1945. He was later captured and tried in a Special People's Court in nearby Litomerice; he was held in the Small Fortress until he was executed in 1947.
Death Statistics for the Theresienstadt Ghetto
The Red Cross Visit
Early History of Theresienstadt
Home
This page was last updated on December 23, 2007
The truth on
Dunkirk
The Day The Clown Cried Harry Shearer Howard Stern Interview
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_EKFYiHJBOs |
WHO IS LYING THEN??? | |||
Somebody/something (software?)keeps tampering with my page!
ReplyDeleteWednesday 11 May 2016
It is proven over and over again that the same people behind the lies about WWII and Adolf Hitler are behind the 2020 COVID-19 Plandemic, the genocidal depopulation bio-weapon jabs led by the UN DICTATORSHIP, the IMF, etc.!
ReplyDeleteBAFS