Monday, 27 October 2014

THERESIENSTADT - HITLER'S BOHEMIAN PARADISE TOWN FOR JEWS IN CZECHOSLOVAKIA


Theresienstadt must have been a real Paradise for the Jewish artists relocated there - REMARKABLE COMPOSERS AND MUSICIANS - for them to have been able to WRITE AND PERFORM "SONGS AND OTHER WORKS OF DELIGHTFUL FANTASY"!!!





"Chancellor Hitler gave Jews their own town
Hitler took a gingerbread town in the Czech Republic – moved out the residents and turned it over to the Jews. It’s purpose was to provide a ‘ Spa environment ‘ for rich artistic Jews.

Hitler wanted a colony of German Jewish artists to create propaganda and serve as a example of his generosity"


Theresienstadt
A  Bohemian paradise 300 miles south of Berlin in Czechoslovakia






An experimental relocation center for Jews
The camp-town that is never discussed

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Location
Theresienstadt was in Czechoslovakia.



History
Built in 1780 by Joseph II of the Hapsburg family.  Theresienstadt was named after Empress Maria Theresa. It is a walled town which is located between Dresden with Prague. Originally it was  as a military garrison at the junction of the Ohre and Elbe rivers.




Chancellor Hitler gave Jews their own town

Hitler took a gingerbread town in the Czech Republic – moved out the residents and turned it over to the Jews. It’s purpose was to provide a ‘ Spa environment ‘ for rich artistic Jews.

Hitler wanted a colony of German Jewish artists to create propaganda and serve as a example of his generosity




Town specially constructed for Jews

In November 1941,Czech workers were sent to transform the small garrison town of Terezín, Czechoslovakia into the Theresienstadt camp. Here they incarcerated some of Europe's most gifted artists, musicians, composers and writers who, sustained an active cultural community



Who was shipped here
The town was for Jewish artisans , the wealthy and their families. There were artists, writers, scientists and jurists, diplomats, musicians.
 Franz E. Klein staged the operas "Carmen", "La Tosca", and "Rigoletto" at Terezin, with the help of conductor and chorus-master Rafael Schachter. . Karel Fleishmann (who was also a physician), Otto Ungar, Peter Kien, and
Ferdinand Bloch were painters whoPavel Haas, Gideon Klein, Hans Krása and Viktor Ullmann were prized pupils and assistants of musical luminaries Leos Janacek and Arnold Schoenberg.





Jewish elders ran the camp
Jakub Edelstein, was the first elder and he ran it from 1941 - 1943. He was arrested for falsifying camps records.
The second was  Dr. Paul Eppstein  who was followed by Dr Murmelstein in Sept 1944
The camp government contained a number of supplementary departments to keep the camp running as smoothly as possible.
Besides the Administration department, there were Economic, Financial, Technical, and Health and Social Care departments. These factions kept track of the full gamut of camp operations, from devermination to fire fighting to burials.
Jakub Edelstein Dr. P. Eppstein Dr. B. Murmelstein





The SS and the camp
The ghetto was administered by the SS. Its first commandant was SS Officer Dr. Siegfried Seidl (  1941 -1943.) Second was SS-First Lieutenant ( 1943 -  1944). The final commandant was SS  Karl Rahm

Camp guarded by Czech police gendarmes
There were none of the dreaded SS to be seen.






Art in the camp
Ferdinand Bloch and Pavel Haas were just a few of the famous artists.
They led classes and produced many protégées like Leos Janacek, Alexander Zemlinsky, Arnold Schoenberg and Alois Haba.





 Ullmanv Klien
Opera
Jewish composers wrote operas such as The Emperor of Atlantis. Peter Kien's story is about a
 mythical kingdom in which no one dies, even mortally wounded soldiers. It was a satire on the political situation of WWII.It included seven singers and full orchestra. part from a handful of string quartets and some songs, not much enduring music came out of Terazin itself.





Music and Cabarets


The cabaret scene had been present from the very early days in the men’s barracks under the leadership of Karel Svenk—a multitalented writer, director, actor, and producer.
His first cabaret, The Lost Food Card, brought laughter and hope to the audience, particularly through the finale tune, The Terezin March.
Theresienstadt had a first class symphony some of music created.
The town had three jazz bars. Cabarets were a late night staple
Some of Hans Krasa's works had been performed by both the Philadelphia Orchestra and the Boston Symphony Orchestra.





Plays
Though they were unstaged, his choruses also performed operas, particularly favoring two

beloved Czech standards, Smetana’s The Bartered Bride and The Kiss
Ticket

Their familiarity to Czech audiences made them easy favorites and especially comforting. Schacter’s most impressive and legendary feat, however, was his successful interpretation of Verdi’s Requiem.



Children
Theresienstadt was a magical place for the children because of the concentration of wealthy and artistic families. 

                  Child's opera
The town was an 18th century treasure built around parks.
The schools were organized by talented Jewish artist that were 50 yrs ahead of their time
Hans Krasa’s Brundibar, a children’s opera of good versus evil written in Czech, tells the tale of two children on a mission to buy milk for their sick mother. As they sing to raise money for the milk, their earnings are stolen by the evil old organ-grinder, Brundibar, who was displeased by the competition.With the help of a Sparrow, a Cat, and a Dog-also played by children-the brother and sister are able to outwit Brundibar, reclaim their money, and finally bring milk home to their mother.
Performed at least 55 times, the opera was one of the most popular performance pieces in Terezin's entire repertoire-every ticket was highly desired. 






The town itself






Bloodlines of WW 2 leaders
French occupation
Winston Churchill's biography




DISINFORMATION AND PROPAGANDA

“Theresienstadt Ghetto”



Published on 16 Mar 2013
 
“Theresienstadt concentration camp, also referred to as Theresienstadt Ghetto was established by the SS during World War II in the fortress and garrison city of Terezín (German name Theresienstadt), located in what is now the Czech Republic. During World War II it served as a Nazi concentration camp staffed by German Nazi guards. Tens of thousands of Jews were murdered there and over 150,000 others (including tens of thousands of children) were held there for months or years, before then being sent to their deaths on rail transports to Treblinka and Auschwitz extermination camps in Poland, as well as to smaller camps elsewhere.

The fortress of Terezín was constructed between the years 1780 and 1790 by the orders of the Austrian emperor Joseph II in the north-west region of Bohemia. It was designed to be a component of a projected but never fully realized fort system of the monarchy, another piece being the fort of Josefov. Terezín took its name from the mother of the emperor, Maria Theresa of Austria who reigned as archduchess of Austria in her own right from 1740--1780. By the end of the 18th century, the facility was obsolete as a fort; in the 19th century, the fort was used to accommodate military and political prisoners.3
From 1914 until 1918 it housed one of its most famous prisoners: Gavrilo Princip. Princip assassinated Archduke Franz Ferdinand of Austria and his wife on June 28, 1914, which led to the outbreak of the First World War. Princip died in cell number 1 from tuberculosis on April 28, 1918.

Addition:
Karl Rahm was a Sturmbannführer (Major) in the German Schutzstaffel who, from February 1944 to May 1945, served as the Commandant of the Theresienstadt concentration camp. Rahm was the third and final commander of the camp, succeeding Siegfried Seidl and Anton Burger.
Rahm evacuated Theresienstadt on May 5, 1945 along with the last of the SS personnel. He was captured shortly afterward by American forces in Austria and extradited in 1947 to Czechoslovakia. Put on trial, Rahm was found guilty of crimes against humanity and sentenced to death.  Rahm was executed on April 30, 1947, four hours after his guilty verdict had been handed down by the Czech court

Under Section 107 of the Copyright Act 1976, allowance is made for "fair use" for purposes such as criticism, comment, news reporting, teaching, scholarship, and research. Fair use is a use permitted by copyright statute that might otherwise be infringing. Non-profit, educational or personal use tips the balance in favor of fair use."

A look into WW2 leaders
and their bloodlines
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Churchill-Jacobson Roosevelt-Rosenfelt Stalin-Djugashvili Eisenhower-Eisenhaur




Show on Art in Auschwitz Opens in Berlin
The Judaicum Center in Berlin's New Synagogue is set to open an exhibition of some 170 works by 44 concentration camp inmates entitled "Art in Auschwitz 1940-1945."



On Tuesday evening, Chancellor Gerhard Schröder and the Polish Ambassador Andrzej Byrt will be attending the opening of a show put together by the State Museum Auschwitz-Birkenau in Oswiecim, which owns a collection of some 1470 previously unseen still-lifes, landscapes, caricatures and portraits culled from its collection of art created in the Auschwitz extermination camp.
"Art in Auschwitz 1940-1945" marks the first time a show has foregrounded art from concentration camps rather than featuring it within the margins of a broader examination of German history -- the standard approach towards Holocaust exhibitions over the last sixty years.
A reminder of human brutality
 Although few pieces in the collection directly depict violence or cruelty, the portraits selected convey a sense of human suffering and endurance, serving both as an eloquent reminder of human brutality and an affirmation of the creative urge, despite imminent death. But they also work as autonomous, highly expressive works of art.


Critics have said that the only authentic response to the Holocaust is silence. Similarly, these portraits of people devoid of hope, sketches of starving crowds waiting to be deported, desolate children and executions are images that no pencil, pen or brush should ever have had to commit to paper or canvas. But these pictures are testimonies to events -- reflections of a time and place.
Supervised artistic activity
Much of the work exhibited was made by Polish artists. Before Hitler began deporting millions of Jews to Auschwitz, the site had been used as a concentration camp for Polish prisoners, many of whom had belonged to the Polish resistance -- including numerous artists.

Among them was Franciszek Targosz, whose sketches so impressed Auschwitz commandant Rudolf Höss that he approved Targosz's idea to set up a camp museum.

Targosz was named head of the museum, founded in October, 1941. It became a highly desirable work assignment for prisoners, providing them with art supplies and affording them the opportunity to make more private images. Jewish artists, however, were never admitted.


A way of forgetting
To the inmates, art offered an escape -- a way of processing their experience, proof of their existence.


"I drew portraits in the camp as a way of finding a short-lived happiness and first and foremost, as a way of forgetting," wrote the artist Franciszek Jazwiecki in 1946. "These pictures I drew in secret helped me forget, they drew me into another world, the world of my art. I was aware that drawing was punished with death and it was not that I was brave, more that I simply ignored the risk, because I could not resist creating my own world."

Although not represented in the new exhibition, another artist who survived Auschwitz, Alfred Kantor, has said of his work: "These (works) were crucial to my survival. Without this extra nourishment, I could not have endured the months of hard labor." His secret artistic activity had a crucial psychological purpose. "My commitment to drawing came out of a deep instinct of self-preservation and undoubtedly helped me to deny the unimaginable horrors of that time. By taking on the role of an 'observer,' I could at least for a few moments detach myself from what was going on in Auschwitz and was therefore better able to hold together the threads of sanity."
"Art in Auschwitz 1940-1945" runs through Aug. 14 before moving to the Felix Nussbaum Haus in Osnabrück Sept. 4 - Oct. 16



The Museum at
Auschwitz, 1941-45
By Sybil Milton (full
acticle from this source (http://lastexpression.northwestern.edu/essays/Museumessay.001.pdf))

In October 1941 Rudolf
Höss, the camp commandant at Auschwitz allowed a museum to open in barrack 6 at Auschwitz I. It moved to barrack 24 in March 1942, where it occupied two rooms until Auschwitz was liberated in late January 1945. "The goal of the museum was to collect, in small quantities, various rarities, art works, valuable objects, coin and stamp collections as well other rare objects located in the prisoners’ personal possessions (such as documents, awards, banners, liturgical clothing, etc.). About six prisoners were assigned to the museum. Two of them were assigned to translate the Talmud into German, one repaired watches for the SS, the remaining prisoners were mostly artists, graphic artists, or fine arts, and created works of art that were considered the property of the camp and were used as presents to visiting dignitaries from the Reich."

The initiative to open this museum had come from the Polish prisoner
Franciszek Targosz, who had been deported to Auschwitz in December 1940, and assigned prisoner number 7626. In early 1941, Höss discovered Targosz sketching horses. Targosz knew that art not specifically ordered by the camp

administration was a punishable offense. To save himself, he suggested that
Höss establish a museum in one of the camp barracks. The museum, Targosz argued, would provide a place of culture for Nazi officers stationed at Auschwitz. Such a museum would exhibit examples of Nazi-approved art, including handicrafts and folk objects "collected" from the prisoners. Höss saw the propaganda potential of such a museum, since Nazi dignitaries visiting Auschwitz would be impressed by his cultural achievement and he would also have a vehicle to show the supremacy of the Aryan race. He consented to the plan and ordered Targosz early in 1941 to organize the museum. Thus, Targosz managed both to save his own life and to have some of his drawings exhibited. The museum at Auschwitz remained open in several locations until the camp was liberated in 1945. Its exhibits included ceramics, glass, and metalwork crafted by prisoners, as well as coins and antiques confiscated from the deportees. It also displayed Nazi military regalia and documents, as well as Jewish prayer books, shawls, and phylacteries. The other art shown there included landscapes, portraits of Nazi officials, and illustrations of German legends.

Although the museum was not an official labor
kommando for prisoners at Auschwitz I, it became a place where Polish artists incarcerated at Auschwitz could go after completing their official assignments. There they produced what was ordered, as well as their own works in their few free late evening hours and on Sundays.

The museum provided a temporary sanctuary for these artists (including
Mieczyslaw Koscielniak, Jan Baras-Komski, Wlodzimierz Siwierski, Waldemar Nowakowski, Bronislaw Czech, and many others). The museum had materials available for officially commissioned works and thus also provided supplies for secret sketches, portraits, and caricatures, that they created for themselves. Thus, the Krakow sculptor Xawery

Dunikowski, prisoner number 774, was assigned to make a model of the camp. The materials available to him officially were, in part, filched for a series of clandestine portraits of sleeping fellow inmates. Similarly, the graphic artist Mieczyslaw Koscielniak, prisoner 15261, produced officially requested art showing the orchestra and hospital at Auschwitz, and used materials pilfered from this assignment for clandestine sketches of sickness, suffering, and despair. Initially Koscielniak had been assigned to heavy demolition labor in kommando number 2. There, he spontaneously risked talking to an SS guard and offered to draw his portrait in five minutes. Impressed by a portrait completed in such a short interval of time, the guard arranged for Koscielniak to be reassigned to work at the SS Deutsche Ausrüstungswerke, an armaments factory adjacent to Auschwitz I.

Koscielniak drew as a duty to the resistance movement, attempting to smuggle more than 300 works outside the camp, although only a relatively small number of these works are known to have survived.

It is clear that portraits were commissioned by the Germans as gifts to superiors or to their own families, and also for documentation of medical experiments. Thus, Josef
Mengele commissioned a Czech Jewish artist, Dinah Gottliebova, to do portraits of Roma (Gypsy) prisoners as illustrations for a book he hoped to publish about his medical experiments in Auschwitz. Other prisoner artists, like Leo Haas, Halina Olomucki, and Arnold Daghani also reported receiving orders to do portraits of Nazi officers, often from photographs of relatives missing in action. If the resulting work was acceptable, it often helped secure more lenient work assignments or better rations. Obviously compulsory work produced by inmate artists was meticulously executed and technically excellent, since the interned artist?s fate depended on compliance with SS orders and whims. Moreover, paper, ink, and watercolor available through official work could be used
as materials for clandestine
art.


 



A FACTUAL APPRAISAL OF THE "HOLOCAUST" BY THE RED CROSS.
by NoEvidenceOfGenocide Friday January 28, 2005 at 07:09 AM
No Evidence Of Genocide

The Jews And The Concentration Camps:
A Factual Appraisal By The Red Cross.

There is one survey of the Jewish question in Europe during World War Two and the conditions of Germany's concentration camps which is almost unique in its honesty and objectivity, the three-volume Report of the International Committee of the Red Cross on its Activities during the Second World War, Geneva, 1948.

This comprehensive account from an entirely neutral source incorporated and expanded the findings of two previous works: Documents sur l'activité du CICR en faveur des civils détenus dans les camps de concentration en Allemagne 1939-1945 (Geneva, 1946), and Inter Arma Caritas: the Work of the ICRC during the Second World War (Geneva, 1947). The team of authors, headed by Frédéric Siordet, explained in the opening pages of the Report that their object, in the tradition of the Red Cross, had been strict political neutrality, and herein lies its great value.

The ICRC successfully applied the 1929 Geneva military convention in order to gain access to civilian internees held in Central and Western Europe by the Germany authorities. By contrast, the ICRC was unable to gain any access to the Soviet Union, which had failed to ratify the Convention. The millions of civilian and military internees held in the USSR, whose conditions were known to be by far the worst, were completely cut off from any international contact or supervision.

The Red Cross Report is of value in that it first clarifies the legitimate circumstances under which Jews were detained in concentration camps, i.e. as enemy aliens. In describing the two categories of civilian internees, the Report distinguishes the second type as "Civilians deported on administrative grounds (in German, "Schutzhäftlinge"), who were arrested for political or racial motives because their presence was considered a danger to the State or the occupation forces" (Vol. 111, p. 73). These persons, it continues, "were placed on the same footing as persons arrested or imprisoned under common law for security reasons." (P.74).

The Report admits that the Germans were at first reluctant to permit supervision by the Red Cross of people detained on grounds relating to security, but by the latter part of 1942, the ICRC obtained important concessions from Germany. They were permitted to distribute food parcels to major concentration camps in Germany from August 1942, and "from February 1943 onwards this concession was extended to all other camps and prisons" (Vol. 111, p. 78). The ICRC soon established contact with camp commandants and launched a food relief programme which continued to function until the last months of 1945, letters of thanks for which came pouring in from Jewish internees.
Red Cross Recipients Were Jews 

The Report states that "As many as 9,000 parcels were packed daily. From the autumn of 1943 until May 1945, about 1,112,000 parcels with a total weight of 4,500 tons were sent off to the concentration camps" (Vol. III, p. 80). In addition to food, these contained clothing and pharmaceutical supplies. "Parcels were sent to Dachau, Buchenwald, Sangerhausen, Sachsenhausen, Oranienburg, Flossenburg, Landsberg-am-Lech, Flöha, Ravensbrück, Hamburg-Neuengamme, Mauthausen, Theresienstadt, Auschwitz, Bergen-Belsen, to camps near Vienna and in Central and Southern Germany. The principal recipients were Belgians, Dutch, French, Greeks, Italians, Norwegians, Poles and stateless Jews" (Vol. III, p. 83).

In the course of the war, "The Committee was in a position to transfer and distribute in the form of relief supplies over twenty million Swiss francs collected by Jewish welfare organisations throughout the world, in particular by the American Joint Distribution Committee of New York" (Vol. I, p. 644). This latter organisation was permitted by the German Government to maintain offices in Berlin until the American entry into the war. The ICRC complained that obstruction of their vast relief operation for Jewish internees came not from the Germans but from the tight Allied blockade of Europe. Most of their purchases of relief food were made in Rumania, Hungary and Slovakia.

The ICRC had special praise for the liberal conditions which prevailed at Theresienstadt up to the time of their last visits there in April 1945. This camp, "where there were about 40,000 Jews deported from various countries was a relatively privileged ghetto" (Vol. III, p. 75). According to the Report, "'The Committee's delegates were able to visit the camp at Theresienstadt (Terezin) which was used exclusively for Jews and was governed by special conditions. From information gathered by the Committee, this camp had been started as an experiment by certain leaders of the Reich ... These men wished to give the Jews the means of setting up a communal life in a town under their own administration and possessing almost complete autonomy. . . two delegates were able to visit the camp on April 6th, 1945. They confirmed the favourable impression gained on the first visit" (Vol. I, p . 642).

The ICRC also had praise for the regime of Ion Antonescu of Fascist Rumania where the Committee was able to extend special relief to 183,000 Rumanian Jews until the time of the Soviet occupation. The aid then ceased, and the ICRC complained bitterly that it never succeeded "in sending anything whatsoever to Russia" (Vol. II, p. 62). The same situation applied to many of the German camps after their "liberation" by the Russians. The ICRC received a voluminous flow of mail from Auschwitz until the period of the Soviet occupation, when many of the internees were evacuated westward. But the efforts of the Red Cross to send relief to internees remaining at Auschwitz under Soviet control were futile. However, food parcels continued to be sent to former Auschwitz inmates transferred west to such camps as Buchenwald and Oranienburg.

No Evidence Of Genocide

One of the most important aspects of the Red Cross Report is that it clarifies the true cause of those deaths that undoubtedly occurred in the camps toward the end of the war. Says the Report: "In the chaotic condition of Germany after the invasion during the final months of the war, the camps received no food supplies at all and starvation claimed an increasing number of victims. Itself alarmed by this situation, the German Government at last informed the ICRC on February 1st, 1945 ... In March 1945, discussions between the President of the ICRC and General of the S.S. Kaltenbrunner gave even more decisive results. Relief could henceforth be distributed by the ICRC, and one delegate was authorised to stay in each camp ..." (Vol. III, p. 83).

Clearly, the German authorities were at pains to relieve the dire situation as far as they were able. The Red Cross are quite explicit in stating that food supplies ceased at this time due to the Allied bombing of German transportation, and in the interests of interned Jews they had protested on March 15th, 1944 against "the barbarous aerial warfare of the Allies" (Inter Arma Caritas, p. 78). By October 2nd, 1944, the ICRC warned the German Foreign Office of the impending collapse of the German transportation system, declaring that starvation conditions for people throughout Germany were becoming inevitable.
In dealing with this comprehensive, three-volume Report, it is important to stress that the delegates of the International Red Cross found no evidence whatever at the camps in Axis occupied Europe of a deliberate policy to exterminate the Jews. In all its 1,600 pages the Report does not even mention such a thing as a gas chamber. It admits that Jews, like many other wartime nationalities, suffered rigours and privations, but its complete silence on the subject of planned extermination is ample refutation of the Six Million legend. Like the Vatican representatives with whom they worked, the Red Cross found itself unable to indulge in the irresponsible charges of genocide which had become the order of the day. So far as the genuine mortality rate is concerned, the Report points out that most of the Jewish doctors from the camps were being used to combat typhus on the eastern front, so that they were unavailable when the typhus epidemics of 1945 broke out in the camps (Vol. I, p. 204 ff) - Incidentally, it is frequently claimed that mass executions were carried out in gas chambers cunningly disguised as shower facilities. Again the Report makes nonsense of this allegation. "Not only the washing places, but installations for baths, showers and laundry were inspected by the delegates. They had often to take action to have fixtures made less primitive, and to get them repaired or enlarged" (Vol. III, p. 594).

Not All Were Interned
Volume III of the Red Cross Report, Chapter 3 (I. Jewish Civilian Population) deals with the "aid given to the Jewish section of the free population," and this chapter makes it quite plain that by no means all of the European Jews were placed in internment camps, but remained, subject to certain restrictions, as part of the free civilian population. This conflicts directly with the "thoroughness" of the supposed "extermination programme", and with the claim in the forged Höss memoirs that Eichmann was obsessed with seizing "every single Jew he could lay his hands on."

In Slovakia, for example, where Eichmann's assistant Dieter Wisliceny was in charge, the Report states that "A large proportion of the Jewish minority had permission to stay in the country, and at certain periods Slovakia was looked upon as a comparative haven of refuge for Jews, especially for those coming from Poland. Those who remained in Slovakia seem to have been in comparative safety until the end of August 1944, when a rising against the German forces took place. While it is true that the law of May 15th, 1942 had brought about the internment of several thousand Jews, these people were held in camps where the conditions of food and lodging were tolerable, and where the internees were allowed to do paid work on terms almost equal to those of the free labour market" (Vol. I, p. 646).

Not only did large numbers of the three million or so European Jews avoid internment altogether, but the emigration of Jews continued throughout the war, generally by way of Hungary, Rumania and Turkey. Ironically, post-war Jewish emigration from German-occupied territories was also facilitated by the Reich, as in the case of the Polish Jews who had escaped to France before its occupation. "The Jews from Poland who, whilst in France, had obtained entrance permits to the United States were held to be American citizens by the German occupying authorities, who further agreed to recognize the validity of about three thousand passports issued to Jews by the consulates of South American countries" (Vol. I, p. 645).

As future U.S. citizens, these Jews were held at the Vittel camp in southern France for American aliens. The emigration of European Jews from Hungary in particular proceeded during the war unhindered by the German authorities. "Until March 1944," says the. Red Cross Report, "Jews who had the privilege of visas for Palestine were free to leave Hungary" (Vol. I, p. 648). Even after the replacement of the Horthy Government in 1944 (following its attempted armistice with the Soviet Union) with a government more dependent on German authority, the emigration of Jews continued. 

The Committee secured the pledges of both Britain and the United States "to give support by every means to the emigration of Jews from Hungary," and from the U.S. Government the ICRC received a message stating that "The Government of the United States ... now specifically repeats its assurance that arrangements will be made by it for the care of all Jews who in the present circumstances are allowed to leave" (Vol. I, p . 649).

Biedermann agreed that in the nineteen instances that "Did Six Million Really Die?" quoted from the Report of the International Committee of the Red Cross on its Activities during the Second World War and Inter Arma Caritas (this includes the above material), it did so accurately.

A quote from Charles Biedermann (a delegate of the International Committee of the Red Cross and Director of the Red Cross' International Tracing Service) under oath at the Zündel Trial (February 9, 10, 11 and 12, 1988).

The above is chapter nine from the book "Did Six Million Really Die?"

For the entire book "Did Six Million Really Die?", click here.



The Roosevelts (nee Rosenfelt) were Jewish Dutch
 Marten Van Rosenfelt
   |
       Claes Martensen Van Rosenfelt
   |
      Nicholas Roosevelt
   |
   +----------------------------+
        |                      |
Johannes Roosevelt       Jacobus Roosevelt
       |                      |
Jacobus Roosevelt       Isaac Roosevelt
       |                      |
Jacobus Roosevelt        James Roosevelt
       |                      |
Cornelius Roosevelt     Isaac Roosevelt 
       |                       |
            Eliot Roosevelt        James Roosevelt = Sara Delano 
       |                       |
Anna Eleanor----married-------Franklin Delano [U.S. President]



Claes Rosenfelt
The first Roosevelt came to America in 1649. His name was Claes Rosenfelt. He was a Jew. Nicholas, the son of Claes was the ancestor of both Franklin and Theodore. He married a Jewish girl, named Kunst, in 1682. Nicholas had a son named Jacobus Rosenfeld..." (The Corvallis Gazette Times of Corballis, Oregon).
"Claes Rosenvelt entered the cloth business in New York, and was married in 1682. He accumulated a fortune. He then changed his name to Nicholas Roosevelt. Of his four sons, Isaac died young. Nicholas married Sarah Solomons. Jacobus married Catherina Hardenburg.
The Roosevelts were not a fighting but a peace-loving people, devoted to trade. Isaac became a capitalist. He founded the Bank of New York in 1790."




Sarah Delano
"The President's father married Sarah Delano; and it become clear. Schmalix (genealogist) writes: 'In the seventh generation we see the mother of Franklin Delano Roosevelt as being of Jewish descent.
The Delanos are descendants of Italian or Spanish Jewish family; Dilano, Dilan, Dillano. The Jew Delano drafted an agreement with the West Indies Co., in 1657 regarding the colonization of the island of Curacao. About this the directors of the West Indies Co., had correspondence with the Governor of New Holland.
Interactive Roosevelt


        







Churchill's Mother Was Jewish




Winston Churchill was the spoiled son of an aristocratic father and an American mother who doted on him. As a young man he was a dilettante who developed an early taste for expensive clothes, imported cigars and old brandy.




At 26 he entered parliament.
In the company of members of the English aristocracy and establishment Winston’s ‘night on the town’ often ended at fringe homosexual private shows in which every depravity known to man was indulged.


Jenny Jacobson
Churchill's mother was Jenny Jerome. Her father was involved in theatre investment and changed his name from Jacobson to Jerome.
‘Cunning, no doubt, came to Churchill in the Jewish genes transmitted by his mother Lady Randolph Churchill , née Jenny Jacobson/Jerome.’ Moshe Kohn, Jerusalem Post. In England at the beginning of the 1900s commenting that there were very few English aristocrat families left that hadn't intermarried with aspiring Jews. It was said that, when they visited the Continent, Europeans were surprised to see Jewish looking persons with English titles and accents.











 Stalin Was A Jewish Moscow Coffee House Radical

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Stalin's childhood origins were supposedly Georgian, but the truth is his mother was Ossete, from the Khazarian region.In the Georgian language "shvili" means son of, or son, as in Johnson. "Djuga" means Jew. Therefore Djugashvili means Jewison.
So Joe Stalin's real name, before he changed it, was Joe Jewison. It gets better, his name was Joseph David Djugashvili, a typical Jewish name. During his revolutionary days he changed his name to "Kochba", the leader of the Jews during one of the anti-Roman uprisings of the Jews. Russians don't change their names. Georgians don't change their names. Jews change their names.
Stalin's mother Ekaterina did laundry and housekeeping for David Papisnedov, a local Jew, who was Stalin's real father. Their nickname for Stalin was "Soso". Stalin received Papisnedov at the Kremlin often.  Comrade Papisnedov often was visited by Nikolai Przhevalsky, a Jewish trader, and he is also considered a possibility as Stalin's father.


Stalin's wives


Stalin had three wives, all of them Jewesses
 The first was Ekaterina Svanidze who bore him one son, Jacob.




The Second Wife
His second wife was Kadya Allevijah. She bore him a son Vassili, and a daughter Svetlana. His second wife died in mysterious circumstances, either by committing suicide, or murdered by Stalin.




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Wife Number Three
His third wife was Rosa Kaganovich, the sister of Lazar Kaganovich, who was the head of Soviet industry.





Svetlana Stalin
Stalin's daughter (who in 1967 fled to the USA) then married Lazar's son Mihail i.e. her step-mother's nephew. Svetlana Stalin had a total of four husbands, three of them Jewish.




Vassili Stalin
Stalin's vice-president Molotov was also married to a Jewess, whose brother, Sam Karp, runs an export business in Connecticut. Just to complicate things even more, the Molotov's (half-Jewish) daughter also called Svetlana was engaged to be married to Stalin's son Vassili. .















Eisenhower Had Jewish Blood
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Eisenhower's West Point Military Academy graduating class yearbook, published in 1915, Eisenhower is identified as a "terrible Swedish Jew."

In 1943, Washington not only transferred Col. Eisenhower to Europe but promoted him over more than 30 more experienced senior officers to five star general and placed him in charge of all the US forces in Europe.


Wherever Eisenhower went during his military career, Eisenhower's Jewish background and secondary manifesting behavior was a concern to his fellow officers.


During World War II when Col. Eisenhower was working for Gen. Douglas McArthur in the South Pacific, McArthur protested to his superiors in Washington (DC) that Eisenhower was incompetent and that he did not want Eisenhower on his staff.


Eisenhower was responsible for " Operation Keelhaul " - where allied forces rounded over two million anti-Communists who escaped Stalin  and tuned them over to Russian forces. Part of the Yalta Agreement between the Big Three — Stalin, Roosevelt, and Churchill — involved the repatriation of Russians to their respective homelands where they were either immediately executed or sent to die in the Gulag.
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In 1945 Eisenhower threw 1.7 million Germans in open fields which killed approx 1.2 million
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The fact that Theresienstadt (Terezín) has become almost synonymous with the 'music of the Shoah' is justified by the qualitative and quantitative level of the musical life there, which constitutes a special case in the Nazi camp system as a whole.  A large proportion of Jewish artists and intellectuals were amongst those imprisoned there due to the camp’s function as an 'old age ghetto' and 'show camp'. In addition, the camp leadership, after a short initial prohibition, officially allowed prisoners to possess musical instruments, thereby enabling a broad spectrum of musical as well as other cultural and artistic activities.  Though in the final analysis this occurred for the purpose of propaganda, it created the essential conditions for the extraordinary possibility of cultural production for prisoners by prisoners.

Theresienstadt’s Musical Life

Commenting on the diversity of cultural life there, the former inmate Ruth Klüger observed that, 'In Theresienstadt, culture was valued'.  In this former provincial town, a musical life developed that might have equalled that of a larger town both in terms of the level and breadth of its offerings.  Alongside the existence of numerous choirs, cabaret groups, classical and popular orchestras, musical criticism was written, music instruction was given, and a 'Studio for Modern Music' was created and led by Viktor Ulmann.  One could hear the symphonic and chamber works of Mozart, Beethoven, Brahms, Janácek or Suk, in addition to oratorios, religious and national songs, and operas like Carmen, Tosca, or The Bartered Bride.  If one was in possession of a rarely-given authorization slip, one could spend two hours in the coffee house which was opened on December 8, 1942, and hear popular music and swing.  Further, new pieces of music in the most varied styles were composed and premiered in Theresienstadt.  In part, these directly confronted camp reality through their music or lyrics.  For such performances, composers had an amazingly large pool of potential performers.  This was due to the fact that many imprisoned artists sought to retain their musical identity through continuation of their earlier activities.  The stars amongst them were freed from physically strenuous work assignments as part of the 'Division for Recreation' (Freizeitgestaltung). Furthermore, because of their respected position, they received some small benefits (better lodgings, extra provisions) and until the autumn of 1944 they were to some extent even protected from deportation to Auschwitz.  Yet musical life in Theresienstadt was not only defined by professionals; non-professionals, too, made important contributions.
Such moments of culture stood in sharp contrast to the daily attempt to survive.  However, because it was useful for propaganda purposes, the SS camp leadership not only tolerated, but welcomed the cultural life of the prisoners.  In December 1943 the so-called “beautification of the city” (Stadtverschönerung) was ordered.  Its goal was supposed to be the presentation of Theresienstadt to the world as a model example of a Jewish settlement.  The great time and effort put into this diversionary tactic eventually succeeded when in the summer of 1944, a visiting commission of the Red Cross was presented with a Potemkinesque village.  The inmates played them Verdi’s Requiem and the children’s opera Brundibár by Krása.  The commission could even overhear sounds of the outlawed jazz coming from the 'Ghetto Swingers'.
The propaganda film Theresienstadt. Ein Dokumentarfilm aus dem Jüdischen Siedlungsgebiet (Theresienstadt: A Documentary Film of the Jewish Settlement Area), made there in August and September 1944, served a similar propaganda purpose.  However, in the so-called liquidation transports from September 28 to October 28, 1944 around 18,400 people were deported to Auschwitz, among them the composers Pavel Haas, Hans Krása, Gideon Klein, and Viktor Ullmann.  Afterwards and for the same propagandistic reasons, cultural life was once again rebuilt in Theresienstadt, through the help of the remaining inmates and newly-arrived prisoners.
Yet even some artists fell victim to the illusion of the 'model ghetto' and dedicated themselves solely to questions of music aesthetics.  The separate world they created through art hindered them from becoming aware of their role as instruments of propaganda.  As the jazz musician Eric Vogel stresses:
We musicians did not think that our oppressors saw us only as tools in their hands.  We were obsessed with music and were happy that we could play our beloved jazz.  We contented ourselves with this dream world that the Germans were producing for their propaganda.
Nevertheless, the artistic activities in Theresienstadt did not only serve propaganda or as ends in themselves.  In the musicians’ appearances at old age homes and at hospices, in their mentoring of newly arrived artists, and especially in their performance of Brundibár, one gets a sense not only of the solidarity of the musicians with their fellow prisoners, but also of the educational, cultural-political, and psychological mission of music at Theresienstadt.  Just by refusing to accept their current situation, the musicians were giving a sign to the others.  Music thus became a means of retaining the identities of both musician and listener.  Music simultaneously served to promote survival and signified hope for a better world.  The interest in music at the camp is revealed in the fact that performances were frequently repeated and that tickets needed to be issued.  Precisely because of the extreme situation of the camp and the possibility of death, the interest in music at Theresienstadt underscores the metaphysical content of art.
Ultimately, however, Theresienstadt was no oasis of Jewish culture, despite its musical diversity.  Though it was easier here than in other camps to round up paper, sheet music and instruments or to set up rehearsals or performances because music making was officially allowed, there were limitations even in this 'model camp'.  Like their fellow prisoners, the musicians suffered from hunger, were endangered by the outbreaks of disease, and threatened by deportation.  Further, organizational considerations precluded many prisoners from taking part in the artistic offerings, while still others were no longer physically capable of doing so.

External Conditions

For this reason, one must always keep in mind the assessment of Miroslav Kárný, historian and survivor of Theresienstadt.  He wrote that the enormous musical and cultural life 'affected the internal life of the camp only minimally and only temporarily'.  Alongside its political and propagandistic task, Theresienstadt also served as a collection point at which approximately 33,500 humans died of hunger, disease, and physical as well as psychological exhaustion.  It served further as a temporary stop on the way to the death camps, primarily to Auschwitz-Birkenau, where about 84,000 men, women, and children who had been dragged there from Theresienstadt were killed.
This should highlight the danger represented in reducing Theresienstadt and the music produced and played there to anything but a symbol of humanity under inhumane conditions.  According to the historian Wolfgang Benz, there is a long-standing 'myth of Theresienstadt' that has been built up through the many memorial concerts and performances of 'Music from Theresienstadt'.  This myth carries with it a tremendous danger of 'fictionalizing the historical place' and fictionalizing the predominant living conditions.  For this reason, it is important to take into account that in comparison with the concentration camps, Theresienstadt – precisely because of its special function and history – possessed inherently more favorable conditions for cultural production. 
A hundred-person unit of the protectorate police acted as an external guard.  In contrast to the members of the SS, most of the Czech policemen behaved respectably toward the prisoners.  Sometimes there was even contact with Prague, which also came to include the exchange of sheet music, for example.  The internal activities of the camp were overseen by a 'Ghetto Police' that was staffed by prisoners.  For this reason, the SS was less well represented within the camp.  As a result, the freedom for music making was much greater there than in most other camps, and the resort to illegality hardly necessary.  This does not mean, however, that one could always play music without external coercion or limitation or that it always happened legally.
The prisoner community consisted almost exclusively of Jews or persons classified as Jewish.  In addition, despite the fact that males and females were generally housed separately, they were relatively free to move around within the camp’s borders, especially in comparison to a concentration camp.  It was this that made it comparatively easier to get into contact with someone or to make the necessary preparations for a music performance. The majority of cultural activities were centrally coordinated by prisoners either primarily or secondarily associated with some sort of bureaucratic work assignment.  This occurred under the auspices of the so-called 'Division for Recreation', a subdivision of the Jüdischen Selbstverwaltung ('Jewish Self-Government' – a type of Jewish Council) that the camp leadership had officially authorized in autumn 1942.
Alongside other divisions for theatre, lectures, a central library, and sporting events, the 'Jewish Self-Government' contained a 'music division'.  This, in turn, was subdivided into branches for 'Opera and Vocal Music', 'Instrumental Music', 'Coffeehouse Music' and 'Instrument Administration'.  This created an organizational framework for the permitted and/or tolerated musical life in Theresienstadt to take place.  Summaries listing public performances were even hung up for general consumption.  As the pianist Alice Sommer recalled:
The so-called Division for Recreation organized the concerts.  Every Monday we went to a barracks and on a board there was the program for the entire week.
Apart from this, there were performances organized by proactive prisoners, specific work details, organizations of entire homes, 'celebrities' and other various groupings.

Ghetto, not Concentration Camp

With regards to the above factors, Theresienstadt is comparable to the other ghettos of the Nazi regime.  In their original historical sense, ghettos could refer to residential areas, city neighbourhoods, or city sections that were demarcated from the rest of the city and inhabited exclusively by Jews.  By contrast, the ghettos set up by the Nazi regime during World War II were sealed-off and controlled areas that acted as transition points on the way to the 'Final Solution'.  Theresienstadt was the only ghetto in the 'Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia'.  This, in addition to its special position within the camp system, explains its deviations from the ghettos of Poland as well as those in the occupied and annexed territories of the Soviet Union.  These deviations include, for example, the fact that it was never in danger of complete dissolution or destruction, and that the area on which it rested was not one historically populated by Jews.  Nonetheless, Theresienstadt should be classified within the Nazi camp system as a ghetto and not a concentration camp.  Theresienstadt was set up in an already existing city and was led by a Jewish Council, dependent for its existence upon the camp commandant.  The Council had greater freedom to shape camp life than the so-called Häftlingsselbstverwaltung ('Prisoner Self-Governments') of the concentration camps.  The 'Prisoner Self-Governments' were restricted by the barracks structure of the usually recently-constructed concentration camps, and further were staffed by prisoner functionaries, all appointed by the SS.
Theresienstadt distinguished itself additionally through its makeup, structure, external appearance, method of oversight, as well as its administrative and formal mandate.  This notwithstanding, life in Theresienstadt, like other Nazi internment centres, was characterized by entirely inhumane living conditions:  hunger, epidemic disease, sickness and death were omnipresent.  The medical and hygienic conditions were entirely inadequate.  The living quarters were overcrowded.  The atmosphere was filled with anxiety and the prisoners’ impending fate remained entirely uncertain.  From a total of 141,000 prisoners in Theresienstadt only about 23,000 lived to see the end of the war. 
Guido Fackler

Sources

Dutlinger, Anne Dobie (Ed.): Art, Music and Education as Strategies for Survival: Theresienstadt 1941–1945. New York 2000.
Fackler, Guido: „Des Lagers Stimme” – Musik im KZ. Alltag und Häftlingskultur in den Konzentrationslagern 1933 bis 1936. Mit einer Darstellung der weiteren Entwicklung bis 1945 und einer Biblio-/Mediographie (DIZ-Schriften, Bd. 11). Bremen: Edition Temmen, 2000, S. 449-457.
Fackler, Guido: „Musik der Shoah“ – Plädoyer für eine kritische Rezeption“. In: Eckhard John / Heidy Zimmermann (Hg.): Jüdische Musik. Fremdbilder – Eigenbilder. Köln / Weimar: Böhlau, 2004, S. 219-239.
Karas, Joža: Music in Terezín 1941–1945. New York 1985.
Kuna, Milan: Musik an der Grenze des Lebens. Musikerinnen und Musiker aus böhmischen Ländern in nationalsozialistischen Konzentrationslagern und Gefängnissen. 2. Aufl. Frankfurt a.M. 1998.
KZ Musik. Music composed in concentration camps (1933–1945). Dir. by Francesco Lotoro. Rome: Musikstrasse, starting 2006 with 4 CDs (http://www.musikstrasse.it). – This cd-collection tries to record all compositions and songs created in the different nazi camps.
Wlaschek, Rudolf M. (Hg.): Kunst und Kultur in Theresienstadt. Eine Dokumentation in Bildern. Gerlingen 2001.
 „Verdrängte Musik. NS-verfolgte Komponisten und ihre Werke” – Schriftenreihe der Berliner Intitative „musica reanimata. Förderverein zur Wiederentdeckung NS-verfolgter Komponisten und ihrer Werke e.V.”, die außerdem das Mitteilungsblatt „mr-Mitteilungen” herausgibt (http://www.musica-reanimata.de).

Witness Testimonies

Klüger, Ruth: weiter leben. Eine Jugend. Göttingen 1993, quote on 101.
Vogel, Eric: Jazz im Konzentrationslager. In: Ritter, Franz (Hg.): Heinrich Himmler und die Liebe zum Swing. Leipzig: Reclam, 1994, 228-244, quote on 237

History of Ghetto Theresienstadt

Gate leads outside the walled town of Theresienstadt
Americans normally think of a "ghetto" as a section of a large city that is a rundown, dilapidated, rat-infested slum inhabited by one ethnic group that has been forced to live there because of discrimination or institutionalized racism. In former times in Europe, "ghetto" was the term for a walled section of a city where the Jews were forced, according to the laws of the city, to live separately from the Christians. Because of over-crowding and isolation, these ghettos usually turned into slums. So when the Germans turned the town of Theresienstadt into a Jewish ghetto in November 1941, this was not by any means a Nazi innovation. Even before the word ghetto came into use, and long before the Nazis came upon the scene, the Jews were eventually segregated into a ghetto in almost every city where they settled. Usually they were already living in a separate part of the city, known as the Jewish quarter. These segregated quarters became ghettos only after walls were erected, a curfew for the Jews was established, and the Jews were forced to wear distinctive clothing to instantly identify themselves to non-Jews.
The word "ghetto" derives from the name of an area of the city of Venice where the city's foundries were located. In the Venetian dialect, a foundry was known as a "geto" which meant a workshop or a factory. The word "geto" was derived from the verb "gettare" which means "to cast" as in to cast iron in a foundry.
After the Jews were expelled from Spain in 1492 and from Portugal in 1497, many of them settled in Venice. In 1516, a city decree forced the Jews of Venice to live on a small island with only two access points which were sealed off at sunset. This island had previously been the area of the "gheto nuovo" or new workshops.
However, even before the word ghetto came into use, the Jews, particularly in Poland, were confined to walled sections of the city where they lived. In 1492 the Jews of Krakow in Poland were put into a walled-off section after they were accused of setting fires in the city. There were no walled Jewish ghettos in the Old Reich, as Germany proper was called, during Hitler's regime. Hitler sent the German Jews to the Lodz ghetto, located in what had formerly been Poland or to Theresienstadt, located in what was formerly the country of Czechoslovakia.
After the Nazis invaded Poland and then occupied the country, they initially put the Polish Jews into ghettos, using the excuse that had been used for centuries, that the Jews were responsible for spreading disease. Later, these ghettos became a convenient way to concentrate the Jews in one location for eventual transport to the concentration camps for extermination in Hitler's "Final Solution to the Jewish Question."
On October 10, 1941, the Germans initially decided to make Theresienstadt into a ghetto for selected Jews in the German Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia, and in the Greater German Reich, which included Austria and part of western Poland. The Jews who were to be sent to Theresienstadt included those over 60 years old, World War I veterans, prominent people such as artists or musicians, very important persons, the blind, the deaf, and the inmates of the Jewish mental hospitals and the Jewish orphanages.
The first Jews, who were brought to Theresienstadt on November 24, 1941, were 342 men who were housed in the Sudeten barracks on the west side of the old garrison, from where one can see the Sudeten mountain range near the border between Germany and the Czech Republic. This first transport, called the Aufbaukommando, was brought there to prepare the 10 barracks buildings for the rest of the Jews who would soon follow. On December 4, 1941 another transport of 1,000 Jews who were to form the Jewish "self-government" of the ghetto was sent to Theresienstadt. These two early transports became known as AK1 and AK2.
A short time after the construction crews had prepared the barracks, 7,000 Jews from Prague and Brno in what is now the Czech Republic arrived in the ghetto; men and women were put into separate barracks and they were not allowed to mix with the townspeople. On Feb. 16, 1942, the 3,500 townspeople were given notice that they had to evacuate the town by June 30th. At that time, the whole town was converted into a prison camp for the Jews.
Even before the transports departed to Theresienstadt, the Jewish Council of the Elders (Ältestenrat) was appointed in Prague to do the ghetto administration. The Nazis gave oral orders to the Council each day and the Jewish "self-government" informed the prisoners of the order of the day.
There were three Jewish Elders (Judenältester) who served in turn as the head of the ghetto "self-government." The first was Jakob Edelstein, who served as the ghetto Elder from December 4, 1941 to November 27, 1943. He was arrested for falsifying camps records and was sent to the Small Fortress across the river from the ghetto. From there he was transferred to Auschwitz where he was first put on trial in a Nazi court and was then executed at the infamous "black wall" on June 20, 1944 after being forced to watch as his wife and son were being shot.
The second Jewish leader of Theresienstadt was Dr. Paul Eppstein who was taken to the Small Fortress on September 7, 1944 and immediately shot without the benefit of a trial because he too disobeyed the orders of the Nazis. The last Jewish leader of the ghetto was Dr. Benjamin Murmelstein, who served from Sept. 7, 1944 until the end of the war. The ghetto guards were 150 Czech policemen; there was also an unarmed Jewish ghetto guard unit which helped to maintain order in the ghetto. On the wall near the entry door to the Museum in the Magdeburg building, there is a plaque which lauds the Jewish leaders in the ghetto for their resistance against the Nazis, even though it meant death for two of the Elders.
Plaque on wall of Museum in honor of Jewish leaders who resisted the Nazis
By the time that the Nazis started deporting the Jews from Germany, there were less than 200,000 of them left in the country; all the others had already emigrated to escape the Nazi persecution. Forty percent of the remaining Jews in Germany were over 60 years old, as the children and young people had been the first to leave. After Austria became part of the Greater German Reich in March 1938, the Jews were forced to emigrate to any country that would take them, and only 15,000 old people were allowed to remain. All of these elderly Austrian Jews were deported to Theresienstadt where their mortality rate was the highest of all.
The first name that the Nazis gave to the garrison town, which had been renamed Terezin by the Czechs, was Theresienbad, which means Spa Theresien, implying that it was a spa town where people could take mineral baths. Then the name was changed to Reichsaltersheim, or State Old People's Home. Some of the unsuspecting elderly Jews in Germany actually paid for an apartment in the ghetto and signed contracts for housing, food and medical treatment which was to be provided. They were very disappointed when they got to Theresienstadt and learned that it was nothing like the spa town or old folks home that they were expecting and that they were not going to have luxury accommodations, even though they had paid. Since they were too old to work, their rations were less than the amount given to the workers, and their mortality rate was extremely high.
Theresienstadt is frequently referred to as the "Paradise Ghetto," although this was never a name used by the Nazis. For most of its existence, the Theresienstadt ghetto was called the Jewish Self Administration or Jüdische Selbstverwaltung.
Besides the ordinary people who were sent to the Nazi concentration camps, there were also many well known and prominent Jews, who were incarcerated along with the others. In every camp where these prominent people were confined, they were given privileged treatment and Theresienstadt was no exception.
Important people, such as Rabbi Dr. Leo Baeck of Berlin, whom the Nazis called "the Pope of the Jews," were given private apartments in Theresienstadt. The rest of the Jews were housed in large barrack rooms where they were crowded together into three rows of triple decker wooden bunk beds. As the ghetto filled up, the newcomers were forced to live in attic space without heat, running water or toilets.
Each transport to the camp contained around 1,000 Jews. Upon arrival, the Jews went through a checkpoint, which was called die Schleuse, which means the lock as in a lock on a canal. Here they were searched for items that were forbidden in the camp. After that, the men and women were assigned to separate barracks. The barracks were named after towns in Germany, for example, the Dresden and Magdeburg barracks for the women, the Hanover barracks for men and Hamburg barracks for women. The Magdeburg barracks also housed the offices of the Jewish "self-government."
Gate into Dresden barracks for women which has an inner courtyard
The first transport to be sent to the east from Theresienstadt consisted of 2,000 Jews who were sent to Riga on January 9, 1942 from the Bohusovice station. According to Holocaust historian Martin Gilbert, all 2,000 were taken to the nearby Rumbuli forest where they were shot. The most horrible aspect of this is that the Jewish "self-government" in the camp was initially in charge of selecting the people for the transports, although they did not know what their fate would be at that time. Unwittingly, they sent the young able-bodied Jews to their deaths, thinking that they were sending workers to labor camps in the east.
A total of 44,693 Jews from Theresienstadt were sent to Auschwitz, where all but a few of them perished. On September 8, 1943, a transport of 5,006 Czech Jews was sent to Auschwitz where they were put into a "family camp" which was liquidated six months later. There were 22,503 Jews from Theresienstadt who were transported to unknown destinations in the east.
In keeping with the stated policy at the Wannsee Conference on January 20, 1942, Hitler's plan was to evacuate all the Jews to the east. Eight thousand were sent from Theresienstadt to Treblinka and 1,000 to Sobibor, two death camps that were right on the border between German occupied Poland and the Soviet Union. Another 1,000 were transported from the Theresienstadt ghetto to a concentration camp near the village of Maly Trostenets, just outside of Minsk in what is now Belarus, better known to Americans as White Russia. Two thousand Jews from the ghetto were sent to Zamosc, 3,000 to Izbica and 3,000 to Lublin, all of which were cities near the eastern border of occupied Poland.
Although the Theresienstadt ghetto was originally supposed to be a home for elderly Jews, the Nazis began including some of the older inmates in the transports to the east after the camp population on September 18, 1942 had reached 58,497, its highest number of prisoners. With such horrendous overcrowding, the death toll was around 4,000 just for the month of September in 1942 and most of the dead were elderly people. Between September 19, 1942 and October 22, 1942, there were 11 transports carrying ghetto inmates from Theresienstadt to other camps farther east in order to relieve the overcrowding.
In the northwest section of the old garrison town, there is a building, called the Bauhof by the Nazis, that was used in the ghetto for craft workshops. It is the yellow building shown in the photograph below. To the right you can see part of the old fortifications; the road shown in the photograph goes through an opening in the fortifications here.

Bauhof where workshops were located near Litomerice gate
According to the Ghetto Museum, in 1945 a homicidal gas chamber was built in a corridor of the town's fortifications wall near the Litomerice gate, which is right by the Bauhof building, shown in the photograph above. (Click here to see a map of the ghetto. The Bauhof building is number 14 on the map.) According to Martin Gilbert, this gas chamber was never "activated."
The homicidal gas chamber is directly across from the Jäger (Hunter) barracks, an identical building on the opposite side of the town, which was used as a disinfection station where the prisoners and their clothing were deloused. The prisoners were disinfected by being completely submerged in a tub containing a chemical which would kill the lice on their bodies. At the same time, their clothing was disinfected by hot steam, and they would have to put their clothes back on while they were still wet and then return to their barracks. The oldest inmates of the ghetto were housed in the Jäger barracks so they wouldn't get chilled by walking through the cold in wet clothes. Behind the Jäger barracks is the Südberg or South Hill where a a soccer field was built for the inmates.
The ghetto inmates became aware of the Theresienstadt homicidal gas chamber and were planning to blow it up, but the war ended just in time to save the Theresienstadt Jews from being gassed right in the ghetto. In October 1944, the Jews at Birkenau (Auschwitz II) did manage to blow up one of the homicidal gas chambers and shortly thereafter, Heinrich Himmler is believed to have ordered the gassing operation to be stopped. The gas chambers at Auschwitz-Birkenau were converted into air raid shelters, since the Allies had begun bombing the camp, after taking aerial photos which showed extensive munitions factories there.
The photograph below shows the fortifications on either side of the Litomerice gate on the northwest side of Theresienstadt. When Theresienstadt was a ghetto for the Jews, this road was closed off and there was no traffic through the garrison town.
The Litomerice gate is an opening between the fortifications walls
There were rumors circulating in all of the major Nazi concentration camps toward the end of the war that Hitler had given the order for all the inmates to be killed before the arrival of the Soviet or American soldiers. This was believed to be the purpose for building a gas chamber at Theresienstadt in 1945 at the tail end of the war. At Auschwitz, the inmates were given the choice to stay in the camp, or to follow the Germans on a death march to the camps in the west before the Soviet army arrived. Very few stayed behind, except those who were too old or too sick to walk, because the prisoners believed that they would be killed if they stayed.
After April 20, 1945, there were 13,454 of these wretched survivors from Auschwitz and other camps who poured into Theresienstadt. Some were housed in the Hamburg barracks, right by the railroad tracks. The others were put into temporary wooden barracks outside the ghetto, which were taken down soon after the war. Some of the newcomers had been evacuated from Buchenwald on April 5th just before the camp was liberated by American troops on April 11, 1945. Before the Americans arrived, Hitler himself had given the order to evacuate the Jews from Buchenwald in an effort to prevent them from exacting revenge on German citizens after they were freed. Some of them arrived at Theresienstadt in terrible condition after they had been traveling by train for two weeks without food. After the liberation of Buchenwald, some of the prisoners, who had not been evacuated, commandeered American army jeeps and weapons, then drove to the nearby town of Weimar where, in an orgy of revenge, they looted German homes and shot innocent civilians at random; this was the type of thing that the Nazis were trying to prevent by evacuating the concentration camps before they were liberated.
According to Holocaust survivor Ben Helfgott, who was one of the prisoners brought to Theresienstadt in the last days of the war, the inmates of the Theresienstadt ghetto went on a rampage as soon as they were released. They looted homes, beat to death an SS guard from the ghetto, and attacked the ethnic Germans who were now homeless refugees, fleeing to Germany, after being driven out of the Czech provinces of Bohemia and Moravia.
Some of the people who arrived from the evacuated camps were former inmates of Theresienstadt who were now returning. Others were Jews who had been in the eastern concentration camps for years. On May 3, 1945, the ghetto was turned over to the Red Cross by Commandant Karl Rahm.
According to Martin Gilbert in his book "Holocaust Journey," Rahm told the Red Cross that he had received orders from Berlin to kill all the inmates in the ghetto before the Russians arrived, but he had disobeyed the order. Because of this, Gilbert wrote, Rahm was allowed to leave the camp unmolested on the day before the Russians arrived on May 8, 1945. He was later captured and tried in a Special People's Court in nearby Litomerice; he was held in the Small Fortress until he was executed in 1947.

Death Statistics for the Theresienstadt Ghetto

The Red Cross Visit

Early History of Theresienstadt

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This page was last updated on December 23, 2007

The truth on Dunkirk

 The Day The Clown Cried Harry Shearer Howard Stern Interview


1,295
Published on 8 Jan 2014
In 1971 Jerry Lewis made a film about a clown that falls out of favor with the Nazis and is forced to lead children to the gas chamber at Auschwitz. No, seriously. Here's the Gawker article on it. http://gawker.com/and-yet-everyone-lo...

I took the interview with Harry Shearer and the backstage video and put it all together for the video. It starts with the Harry Shearer video and then I put in the clips and backstage stuff.

I'm sure Jerry meant well, sort of a "Life is Beautiful" before "Life is Beautiful" was ever though of.

Unfortunately it's a very hamhanded attempt.

 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_EKFYiHJBOs



WHO IS LYING THEN???





1 comment:

  1. Somebody/something (software?)keeps tampering with my page!
    Wednesday 11 May 2016

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