Sunday, 8 January 2012

THE MUSLIM MANIFESTO - a strategy for survival


Muslim Parliament Manifesto

From Daryl's Encyclopaedia

THE MUSLIM MANIFESTO - a strategy for survival
Dr Kalim Siddiqui (RA) Former Director of The Muslim Institute

Dr Kalim Siddiqui former leader of Majlis al-Shura fi Britanya (Muslim Parliament)

INTRODUCTION

This manifesto is the outcome of a process of consultation, writing and revision over several months. It is now being offered for wider debate in the Muslim community. We hope that a number of regional consultation conferences will be held all over the country in the next few months. To set that process of consultation in motion, the Muslim Institute has arranged a one-day conference on “The Future of Muslims in Britain”. This conference will be held in the Logan Hall, the Institute of Education, 20 Bedford Way, London WC1, on 14 July 1990.
(Dr) Kalim Siddiqui
Director of The Muslim Institute
6 Endsleigh Street
London WC1H 0DS
CONTENTS

Page No
The Historical Situation 1
Assumptions 2
The Founders’ Council 3
The Council of British Muslims 4
The General Assembly of Muslims in Britain 5
The Council of Muslim Women in Britain 6
The Congress of Muslim Youth and Students in Britain 7
Relationship with the British authorities 8
Goals of the Muslim community in Britain 9
General guidelines for the life of the Muslim individual in Britain 11
A strategy for survival 13
History – the British obsession 14
History – the Muslim response 15
What is survival? 16
Mosques in Britain 17
Ulama in Britain 18
Role of trustees of mosques 19
The Muslim Agenda 20
The Satanic Verses 21; Islam in Britain 23; Da’wah 24;
Existing Muslim or Islamic organisations 25; Education 26;
Muslim Personal Law 27; The Muslim Law Commission 28;
Financing higher education 29; Muslim Weekend Colleges 30;
The Islamic University 31; The Muslim Ummah Fund 42.

Glossary 33

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THE HISTORICAL SITUATION

It is a matter of deep regret that the Government, all political parties and the mass media in Britain are now engaged in a relentless campaign to reduce Muslim citizens of this country to the status of a disparaged and oppressed minority. We have no alternative but to resist this invidious campaign. To do so Muslims in Britain must define their collective goals and move towards a consensus on major issues. The established network of 1,000 mosques and a wide range of organisations already serving the community must develop greater cohesion and dynamism. This manifesto attempts to provide a common text defining the Muslim situation in Britain. It also seeks to provide a framework for the healthy growth of all parts of the community as well as a common Muslim identity and purpose. Maxim: Muslims will resist and fight all forms of oppression.

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ASSUMPTIONS

Of all the major religions of the world, Islam is the most “politicised”. At its inception Islam created a political platform from which Muslims were to launch themselves on a global role as founders of great States, empires and a world civilisation and culture. Political and cultural subservience goes against their grain. Yet in Britain today Muslims are being asked to accept subservience and the total disintegration of their identity, culture and religion, as the only real options open to them. This manifesto is based on the following assumptions:
1. that Muslims in Britain have to accept neither subservience as their inevitable and permanent condition nor the disintegration of their identity, culture and religion;
2. that, despite being a minority, Muslims here can define and pursue goals compatible with the goals of the global Ummah, the world community of Muslims, of which they are an integral part;
3. that Muslims in Britain need to create institutions and mobilise resources in pursuit of these goals;
4. that for Muslims this is also the only way to secure an honourable place in the wider British society;
5. that the option of “integration” and/or “assimilation” that is on offer as official policy in Britain must be firmly resisted and rejected.
Maxim: Muslims must develop their own identity and culture within Britain and as part of a global Muslim community, the Ummah.

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THE FOUNDERS’ COUNCIL

It is proposed that a Founders’ Council is created to adopt and launch this manifesto. The composition of the Founders’ Council will be announced in due course.

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THE COUNCIL OF BRITISH MUSLIMS (CBM)

Muslims in Britain need a platform to debate issues vital to them as citizens of this country. They also need a platform where all shades of opinion can be freely expressed. Above all, Muslims need a body that can speak with authority on their behalf. A process of debate and deliberation to guide Muslim opinion towards a consensus requires a “house of representatives”. However, the mechanism for achieving an “elected” house does not at present exist. Community-wide institutionalisation and organisation will have to reach a very advanced stage before an “electoral” process can be introduced. It is possible for a carefully selected, balanced and “invited” house to be “representative of the Muslim community in Britain. This is the only practical option open to us at present. This body will be known as The Council of British Muslims (CBM). It will act as a “Muslim parliament” in Britain. Maxim: Consultation and consensus is our method.

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THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF MUSLIMS IN BRITAIN

Once The Council of British Muslims has been set up, steps will be taken to create a General Assembly of Muslims in Britain. The General Assembly may consist of up to 500 members. The membership of the General Assembly will be by invitation. It will consist of individuals and representatives of organisations, including those catering for the specialised needs of women, youth, students, businessmen, professionals and academics, etc. The General Assembly will be so constituted as to reflect the full spectrum of Muslim life in Britain. Every effort will be made to invite a large number of women to be members of the General Assembly. The General Assembly will meet once a year.

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THE COUNCIL OF MUSLIM WOMEN IN BRITAIN

Muslim women have to play a crucial part in securing the future of Muslims in Britain. Muslim women in Britain are going into higher education and their numbers in the professions are rapidly expanding. But, ironically, women are more oppressed and exploited in the allegedly sexually “liberated” and “emancipated” west today than was the case in the traditional Islamic, or even non- Islamic, societies of Asia and Africa. Western-style “liberation” and “emancipation” does not meet the needs of Muslim women living in Britain. A sea-change in the lifestyle and social role of Muslim women in inevitable and desirable. It is for Muslim women themselves to develop an Islamic lifestyle in the context of the needs of the Muslim community in Britain. It is also for Muslim women to play a major part in the public life of the Muslim community in Britain. The position of women has long been the target of a vicious hate campaign directed against Islam itself. The west’s jaundiced view of women in Islam has gained strength by the attempt of women from some westernised Muslim families to feign a bogus “liberated” lifestyle. The fact is that a Muslim woman cannot be a western woman. Neither is the social role or lifestyle of Muslim women merely a question relating to modes of dress and hijab. The position of women in a Muslim community goes deeper than hijab, education, career, right to work, property, divorce, etc. Muslim women in Britain are in a unique position to develop a comprehensive lifestyle all their own in which they can develop their talents and achieve their ambitions to the full, always guided by Islam. However, this will only happen if Muslim women have a platform of their own. We propose the setting up of The Council of Muslim Women in Britain (CMWB). Maxim: Muslim women have a higher and nobler place in society than the so-called “emancipated” women have in the west.

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THE CONGRESS OF MUSLIM YOUTH AND STUDENTS IN BRITAIN

The public commitment of the Muslim youth in Britain to Islam and their Muslim culture and identity has been a major revelation of The Satanic Verses affair. There is clearly no “generation gap” between the first generation Muslim immigrants and their children born and brought up in Britain. What is more, our youth is largely uncontaminated by the culture of alcoholism, drugs, sexual promiscuity and other forms of delinquency that is rampant among the youth of mainstream British society. Studies have shown that Muslim children are among those groups who have performed way above average in schools, colleges and universities. The young Muslims, men and women, must be well represented in all the new and old Muslim institutions and organisations. “Islamic societies” have long been established in British universities, polytechnics and colleges of higher and further education. However, so far their activities have been limited to arranging Friday prayers and mixing a little Islamic culture with their secular education. Few Islamic societies have ever attempted to improve their members’ understanding of the Islamic philosophy of science or the wider questions of epistemology. Education for the sake of a secular career and lifestyle has remained unaffected by the existence of Islamic societies. We must now develop a specialised body to help the Muslim youth and students to fashion a lifestyle committed to the attainment of the wider and long-term goals of Islam and the Muslim community in Britain.
To achieve this goal and to provide youth and students a platform for the growth and development of their own potential, steps will be taken to set up a Congress of Muslim Youth and Students in Britain. Maxim: Muslim youth must participate fully in shaping the future of Muslims in Britain.

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RELATIONSHIP WITH THE BRITISH AUTHORITIES

1. Islam allows Muslims to accept protection of life, property, and liberty from non-Muslim rulers and their political systems. Muslims placed in this situation may also pay taxes and other dues to a non-Muslim State ...
2. Muslims living under the protection of a non-Muslim State must obey the laws of that State, so long as such obedience does not conflict with their commitment to Islam and the Ummah. Other minorities in Britain, notably Jews and Roman Catholics, do the same.
3. There are laws on the British Statute Book that are in direct conflict with the laws of Allah; these relate to such matters as usury, abortion, homosexuality, gambling, sale and consumption of alcohol, and the abolition of capital punishment; Muslims can neither agree with nor condone any part of a legal and social agenda which so flagrantly violates the laws of nature as well as of God.
4. Muslims will co-operate with the appropriate authorities for the maintenance of law and order and the promotion of peaceful and wholesome conditions for all our fellow citizens ...
5. Muslims will insist, and continue to insist for as long as it may be necessary, that the British State provide them, their religion and culture protection from gratuitous insult, obscenity and abuse ...
6. Muslims make it clear to the State, and all sections of British society, that they do not expect to be and will not tolerate being insulted and abused on grounds of their religion, culture and traditions.

Maxim: We are Muslims first and last.

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GOALS OF THE MUSLIM COMMUNITY IN BRITAIN

1. To perform the Qur’anic requirement of “enjoining right conduct and forbidding indecency”.1
2. To consolidate the Muslim population in Britain into an organised community in pursuit of the goals set by Islam ...
3. To achieve the highest possible level of collective taqwa and all-round moral and material excellence ...
4. To develop the Muslim community as an island of peace, harmony and moral excellence, free of promiscuity, sexually transmitted diseases, drinking, gambling, drug-addiction, fornication and the related social and moral disorders which plague our age ...
5. To create and develop institutions capable of serving the Muslim community in such specialised fields as education, health, research, publishing, the arts, trade and investment ...
6. To develop and microcosm of unity in the Ummah across the cultural, ethnic and theological diversity that is found in the Muslim community in Britain ...
7. To create, where such do not already exist, specialised bodies for Muslims in the major professions, e.g., medicine, engineering, law, accountancy, teaching, etc ...
8. To secure for Muslim men and women at work or children in schools the right to worship, the right to halal food and the right to dress in the proper Islamic manner ...
9. To develop community and family based support for the less fortunate – widows, orphans, old, sick, infirm, disabled and the unemployed ...

Maxim: Muslims will pursue moral excellence under all circumstances.

1 Al-Qur’an, Luqman: 17.

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GENERAL GUIDELINES FOR THE LIFE OF THE MUSLIM INDIVIDUAL IN BRITAIN

1. Every Muslim, man or woman, must practice Islam in all its dimensions in order to achieve the greatest possible degree of taqwa in his/her private, personal, family, social and professional life ...
2. Every Muslim must pursue excellence in all departments of life, especially in the acquisition of all-round knowledge ...
3. Every Muslim must ensure that his/her and his/her family’s private and public life be committed to the pursuit of Allah’s good pleasure alone ...
4. Every Muslim must ensure that his/her lifestyle does not absorb the moral laxity prevalent in the secular culture of modern Britain today ...
5. Every Muslim must live within the Statute Laws of the United Kingdom ...
6. Every Muslim should seek to develop an identity in terms of the goals of Islam and participate in the struggle of the global Islamic movement toward these goals ...
7. Jihad is a basic requirement of Islam and living in Britain or having British nationality by birth or naturalisation does not absolve the Muslim from his or her duty to participate in jihad: this participation can be active service in armed struggle abroad and/or the provision of material and moral support to those engaged in such struggle anywhere in the world ...1
8. Every Muslim must contribute a regular proportion of his or her income to the Islamic movement instead of the habit of giving small or insignificant amounts only when faced with a “collection box” ...2
9. Every Muslim must pursue his or her personal goals within the framework of the Muslim community in Britain, of the Ummah, and of the global Islamic movement ...

Maxim: Islam is our guide in all situations.

1 Al-Qur’an, Taubah: 86, 88.
2 Al-Qur’an, Hadid: 7, 10.

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A STRATEGY FOR SURVIVAL

Recent events have made it clear that Muslims in Britain, indeed throughout Europe and North America, will have to make a conscious effort if they are to survive. The time-honoured assumption that the generally liberal, open and tolerant ethos of the west would guarantee the survival of Islam and Muslims is a thesis no longer tenable. Muslims are faced with a vicious assault on their identity. Recent statements by leading figures in British Government and public life have made it clear that they expect, demand and will not be satisfied with anything less than our total “assimilation”. Essentially their attitude towards Islam has not changed since the Crusades; their strategy remains the same, only their tactics have changed. Muslims living in the west have to adjust to an environment that is far more hostile than had been assumed.
Muslim communities in the west now need a comprehensive strategy for survival. The Council of British Muslims will debate and develop a comprehensive STRATEGY FOR SURVIVAL as a matter of urgency, made more, not less, urgent by every day that passes.

Maxim: Survive we must, live we may.

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HISTORY – THE BRITISH OBSESSION

The history that is immediately relevant to the Muslim situation in Britain relates largely to British colonialism. The British colonial mind is the immediate source of their fear of Muslims. Muslims in Britain are viewed as “ex-colonials” who have received the additional favour of having been allowed to settle in mainland Britain. Britain as a colonial power, having “civilised” its possessions and then “granted” them freedom, now feels entitled to expect the ex-colonials to become British like the British. Any assertion of the superiority of Islam or Islamic culture or civilisation on British soil is not to be tolerated. The British State sees it as its duty to achieve total assimilation. Moreover, as the controversy over The Satanic Verses has revealed, the British also want Muslims to accept their view of all religions, including Islam. That is that all religious beliefs are a throwback to the Dark Ages of ignorance and superstition and therefore unacceptable in this day and age of reason, science and technology. Those who want to retain religious convictions must exercise them in the sphere of private conscience. No religion, least of all Islam, can be allowed a place in public affairs, even those affairs that affect Muslims themselves. Public policy cannot therefore take into account Islam or the Islamic sensibilities of Muslims. It is for Muslims to “grow up” and join the mainstream of western civilisation.

Maxim: British view of Islam and Muslims is rooted in colonial history.

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HISTORY – THE MUSLIM RESPONSE

The relevant Muslim response to the British view of Islam and Muslims is more complex but also determined in large part by the colonial experience. Among us there is the truly “ex-colonial” fringe that accepts the British view of Islam and Muslims and is offended by what it calls the Islam of the mullahs and the “ignorant” masses. This is the “modernist” position. They pay lip-service to Islam but are embarrassed by such strong assertion of our faith as has been visible in the Muslim campaign against The Satanic Verses. In today’s Britain these modernist, apologetic Muslims want to keep “politics” out of mosques and maintain a submissive posture towards the British government. In their role as a colonial power the British used the modernists to deflect and abort Muslim opposition to their rule; they promoted an emasculated form of Islam from which the component of jihad was subtracted. They are now attempting to do the same in dealing with Muslims living in Britain. The same language (“moderates”) is used to describe these individuals and the regimes that promote and support them. But the Muslim masses living in Britain today have seen through the game. The British design to destroy Islam and assimilate Muslims, in partnership with the modernist “Islamic lobby”, has been exposed by The Satanic Verses affair. Their plan to deflect and render ineffectual Muslim anger over The Satanic Verses was defeated by Imam Khomeini’s fatwa on February 14, 1989. Even before the fatwa, ulama in Britain had played a major role in mobilising opinion against The Satanic Verses. It was this initial awakening created by the ulama in Britain that made the total endorsement of that fatwa by the Muslim masses in Britain possible. The Satanic Verses affair has also exposed the insincerity of most Muslim governments, including the Saudi regime, towards issues that are vital for the defence of Islam and the honour of the Prophet of Islam, upon whom be peace. The new historical situation demands a new and comprehensive Strategy for Survival. Maxim: Muslims will not surrender to cultural blackmail.

WHAT IS SURVIVAL?

Survival does not mean physical “safety”, or a set of guarantees in such matters as “equal opportunities”, or the verbiage put out by the Race Relations industry, as Islam does not fit into any of their neat categories. Equally, British law does not, and cannot be expected to, provide an adequate framework for our survival. Recent events should leave no one in any doubt that the British Government is prepared to use the law against us as an instrument of oppression. The only survival kit that will work is the one that is entirely community based and integrated with a global Islamic movement that protects us in the way France or Russia once claimed to be the “protectors” of Christian communities in the Middle East. The shield of Islam is our only protection under all circumstances. Survival within Islam is the only form of survival that has any meaning. If we protect Islam, Islam will protect us. If we weaken our links with Islam we shall be swallowed up. Maxim: Only Islam can protect Muslims.

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MOSQUES IN BRITAIN

The creation of a network of about 1,000 mosques in Britain is one of the great achievements of the first generation of Muslim migrants to this country. In financial terms (at 1990 values), these mosques represent an investment of perhaps as much as £200 million. These mosques have to be developed into major foci of Muslim community life. The part played by the mosques in The Satanic Verses affair has shown that at times of crises Muslims turn to the mosque for guidance. However, so far the full potential of these mosques has not been realised. Among the first steps we should take is to put the khateebs and imams of mosques on financial terms compatible with their status and role in society. As a first step their salaries should be raised to £20,000 per annum. The management of the mosques should also begin to attract the attention and talents of Muslims born and educated in Britain. The mosques should begin to develop in the role of problem-solving resource centres. The ulama should cease to be mere employees. They should be offered membership of restructured committee structures. A new partnership will have to develop between the original founders and trustees, the ulama, and the younger generation of Muslims. New committees should begin to emerge in all mosques to chalk out a new and dynamic role for mosques in Britain.

Maxim: Mosques are the primary institutions of Islam.

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ULAMA IN BRITAIN

The ulama will always remain one of our major resources and a pool for leadership and knowledge. In a society where the bulk of available education is likely to be secular, the role of ulama as teachers, guides and leaders will be of paramount importance. The Satanic Verses affair has shown the leadership potential of the ulama, but the ulama will have to develop a wider range of capabilities over the whole range of social and political issues that confront the Muslims in Britain. This should include a better command of the English language and an understanding of the social, political and administrative systems and procedures of Government. Some of these roles can be undertaken with the help of Muslims who are doctors, civil servants, solicitors, policemen, probation officers, etc. Similarly, the ulama should begin to use their weekly wa’z (speech preceding khutba on Fridays) to inform the community of major changes that may be taking place, either in Britain or in the world of Islam as a whole. Every mosque should become part of the Islamic movement in its widest sense.

Maxim: Ulama must come forward in leadership roles.

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ROLE OF TRUSTEES OF MOSQUES

The founders of mosques and their trustees have performed a great service to the Muslims in Britain. Without their commitment and sacrifice we would not have the network of mosques that we have today. For their sacrifice and service the founders and trustees of mosques have secured them an honourable place in our society, for which they will be generously rewarded in the Hereafter, insha’Allah.
The founders and trustees of mosques must, however, realise that the role of the mosques must evolve to keep pace with changes in the Muslim society. Already more than half the Muslim population in Britain consists of people born here. The trustees largely belong to a generation from a different background. It is high time for trustees to start to bring in the younger generation as partners in the management of the mosques. The first step may be the creation or appointment of “management committees” comprising members of the younger generation. The mosques ought to begin to change in directions desired by the new generation, guided and advised by their elders. Unless this transition be conscientiously undertaken and sensitively managed, our mosques run the risk of becoming obsolete monuments to the religious practices of first-generation migrants. Were this to take place, our children and grandchildren would sell the mosques to the highest bidders in much the same way as lapsed Christians have sold their churches to us. The disused churches were fortunate to become mosques; the disused mosques of the future may be less fortunate.
The founders and trustees of mosques labour under a greater obligation to future generations than to the first generation of migrants. The mosques were built to secure the future of our children, not to stand as monuments to our past piety.

Maxim: Trustees of mosques must seek partnership with the younger generation brought up in Britain.

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THE MUSLIM AGENDA

In this section an attempt has been made to identify key areas that will occupy Muslim attention in the immediate future.

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1. The Satanic Verses

This is a major conflict with implications for most aspects of our future in Britain; it also encapsulates the whole range of issues that are likely to dominate Islam’s relations with the west for a long time to come. The British Government refuses to acknowledge the validity of the Muslim position. In this conflict rational argument has come up against a blank wall of colonial and cultural presuppositions. The only alternative is for Muslims to extend their agitation to a point where the social, political and economic cost of keeping The Satanic Verses in circulation becomes prohibitive. At some stage we may have to engage in a campaign of civil disobedience1 in Britain. The Satanic Verses is not an ordinary “book”, it amounts to a declaration of war on Islam and Muslims. The circumstantial evidence, e.g., the size of the advance paid to the author, and the media and literary hype that accompanied its publication, leaves us in no doubt that The Satanic Verses is the result of a conspiracy. This means, above all, that Muslims have to fight a prolonged campaign to defeat the designs of the conspirators and their supporters.
The obvious solution to The Satanic Verses affair is for this book to be unconditionally withdrawn by the author and his publishers. We realise that withdrawal cannot mean the recall of all copies. However, withdrawal must mean (a) an undertaking that existing stocks in shops and warehouses will be pulped, (b) no further editions will be published in any shape or form, (c) the book will be removed from public libraries, and (d) anyone who wants to return his copy will receive a full refund. In addition, the author and publishers will pay an agreed sum to relieve the suffering of those, mainly in India, Kashmir, Pakistan and Bangladesh, who have been bereaved, maimed or injured in protests against The Satanic Verses. Muslims in Britain will continue to pursue the author and publishers of The Satanic Verses until this conflict is satisfactorily resolved. We are a law-abiding community seeking a peaceful settlement of a dangerous conflict. Such conflicts, unless peacefully settled, often lead to violence.

The Satanic Verses is not acceptable now and will not become acceptable at any time in the future.

1 See Alan Ryan’s article, “The Right to Disobey”, in The Times, April 4, 1990, and Tony Benn’s article, “When Principle is above the Law”, in The Guardian, April 4, 1990. Both Alan Ryan and Tony Benn would of course deny that their arguments can be used by Muslims. In our view we can and we must.

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2. Islam in Britain

Muslims in Britain need to undertake a close examination of what, if any, legal and/or constitutional position could be secured for Islam in Britain, bearing in mind that a number of European States have accorded Islam the status of an “official religion”. This will include the question of laws against blasphemy to protect all religions. We must note that the existing laws against blasphemy have failed to prevent grossly obscene and sacrilegious attacks on the person of Jesus Christ, upon whom be peace, so much so that influential opinion within the Church of England, whose creed alone is protected, now supports the abolition of blasphemy as a criminal offence. The penetration of the secular creed into Anglican thought is a matter of deep regret. The operation of existing laws against blasphemy shows that their extension to protect Islam as well is unlikely to prevent the kind of attacks on religion that the “liberal” lobby claims is its right. The Muslim community may have to define “no go” areas where the exercise of “freedom of speech” against Islam will not be tolerated. It is only by taking a firm position now that Muslims in Britain may in the long term succeed in defining a common cause within a secular society. The one thing we must not do is to surrender to the demands of rampant, immoral secularism.

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3. Da’wah

Performing da’wah, or inviting non-Muslims to accept Islam, is a basic duty of all Muslims. Muslims have come to live in the west in large numbers at a time when the western civilisation is beginning to develop disorders of the mind, body and soul as a direct consequence of unmitigated secularism. In this situation the role of da’wah is clear. However, the method of da’wah is often and unnecessarily contentious among Muslims. There are those who take the passive route, and there are those who believe in working through revolutionary change, beginning with Muslim societies and countries. In Britain, in the short-term, the great impact is likely to be achieved through the example of moral and material excellence set by Muslim individuals and families living in a post-Christian, largely pagan, society. The collective effort of the Muslim community in Britain to lead a muttaqi life in a corrupt environment is bound to play a major role in da’wah. Similarly, the taqwa of Muslim youth, the modesty of Muslim women, the stability of Muslim family life, the absence of drinks-, drugs- and sex-related crimes and the overall discipline of Muslims living in the west will itself send powerful signals to non-Muslims. But this will only happen if we succeed in arresting the “integration” and “assimilation” of Muslims themselves into the corrupt bogland of western culture and supposed “civilisation”. The emergence of a distinctive Muslim presence, individual and collective, is an essential first step towards effective da’wah.

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4. Existing Muslim or Islamic Organisations

These organisations have played important roles in the life of the Muslim community. They will continue to exist and develop. It is anticipated that most will accept the framework offered in this manifesto. They may indeed already be pursuing at least some of the goals of the community identified here. The role of the established organisations and the new structures and institutions that may be created will be complementary and cooperative. We cannot imagine a situation in which it may not be possible to find areas of mutual cooperation with existing organisations.

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5. Education

A great deal of very useful work is already being done in this field by a number of groups and organisations. However, a common syllabus for the teaching of Islam to Muslim children in Britain is an urgent need of all of those engaged in education. A Muslim Education Commission (MEC) will be set up to examine all the relevant issues such as voluntary-aided schools, single sex education, provision of Muslim teachers as religious instructors, collective acts of worship in schools, Islamic dress, and alterations to the National Curriculum where it can be shown that the content of that curriculum is inimical to Islam. The report and recommendations of the MEC would then form the basis of negotiations with the Secretary of State for Education and Science and the LEAs in England, Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland.

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6. Muslim Personal Law

The vexed question of the application of Muslim Personal Law in such matters as marriage, divorce and inheritance needs a Law Commission comprising Muslim jurists and lawyers to examine the situation and make recommendations. So far all approaches to the British Government on this issue have been vague, ill formulated, largely emotional and incompetent. In the past British courts have recognised Muslim marriage, divorce and inheritance issues decided according to Muslim Personal Law outside Britain. This issue may well revolve around the creation of a Muslim legal framework to decide cases that may then be recognised as valid in British Law.

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7. The Muslim Law Commission

The Muslim community needs a standing commission to keep the legislative programmes of Government and opposition parties constantly under review. Similarly, the Commission would monitor cases decided in law courts that may have implications for the Muslim community. The Commission could also submit written proposals to Government and opposition parties on major proposals in their legislative programmes. The Commission may also initiate debate in the Muslim Consultative Council and the General Assembly of Muslims in Britain in order to create informed public opinion on major legal issues.

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8. Financing Higher Education

The financing of students in higher education in Britain is moving towards greater parental contributions and student loans. This is an area in which mosques are equipped to play a significant role. Most mosque trusts have surplus funds lying idle in the banks. Some of these funds can be used to set up loan (gard-i hasana) schemes for Muslim students in higher education. A major advantage of such schemes will be the goodwill for Islam that this will create among young Muslims during the most formative years of their lives. This experience will give them a further incentive to strengthen the institution of the mosque and to maintain their attachment to it.

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9. Muslim Weekend Colleges

At present, only small children receive supplementary education in mosques in the evenings and at weekends. There is a need for more advanced classes for teenagers, youths and adults. A curriculum of courses on such subjects as the Seerah1 of the Prophet (upon whom be peace), Tafsir2, Qir’at3, Hifz4, Islamic history, Islamic civilisation and culture, Islamic art, the Islamic movement and Muslim political thought, etc., can be offered at a network of Muslim Weekend Colleges throughout the country. Wherever possible such colleges should operate within mosques. Most mosques have large unused space; carefully designed “folding” partitions can be erected to create smaller classrooms.

1 Life.
2 Exegeses of the Qur’an.
3 Recitation of the Qur’an.
4 Memorisation of the Qur’an.

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10. The Islamic University

Prestigious institutions are symbols of the maturity and identity of a community. Muslims, though only a minority in Britain, belong to a global civilisation and culture. Moreover, the intellectual tradition of Islam is a major part of our inheritance. We have a different worldview to offer. We adhere to a different philosophy of life, philosophy of knowledge and philosophy of science.
After the collapse of communism, the intellectual encounter of the future is liable to be between the west and Islam. The obvious platform from which to conduct our debate and make our contribution is the Islamic University. However, the Islamic University we need must not be a cosmetic and hypocritical creation of the Saudi regime; just another western university under the banner of Islam. We suggest that the intellectual foundations laid by the pioneering work of The Muslim Institute in London over the last two decades could provide a solid foundation on which an International Islamic University (IIU) could be erected. So far as possible, the proposed Islamic University should be locally supported and financed. A planning committee could start work on this long-term project almost immediately.

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11. The Muslim Ummah Fund

Experience tells us that financial freedom, indeed strength, must be an essential part of our strategy. Already we know of instances where Muslims in public service have either been reprimanded, dismissed or had other pressures put on them. Some Muslim organisations in receipt of grants from public funds have had them stopped. All this for expressing their views in The Satanic Verses affair. We must mobilise resources and raise funds within the Muslim community on a large scale. Substantial funds will be needed for the implementation of the programme outlined in this manifesto. For example, such proposals as the establishment of the Muslim Education Commission, the Muslim Law Commission, a Loan Fund for Students in Higher Education, Muslim Weekend Colleges, and eventually the Islamic University, are all capital intensive. Each of the commissions will require full-time research staff backed by secretarial and office facilities. Members serving on the various commissions will have to be reimbursed their travelling and other expenses. Some may also have to be paid professional fees.
We propose to launch The Muslim Ummah Fund (MUF) with an eventual target of about £5 million a year.

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GLOSSARY

da’wah: inviting non-Muslims to Islam.
fatwa: a religious opinion or, if given by the head of an Islamic state, decree.
halal: permitted.
hifz: memorisation of the Qur’an.
hijab: modesty of women’s dress in public required by Islam. In particular, the wearing of a headscarf.
imam: lit. leader. One who leads prayers. Also used for the leader of an Islamic state.
insha’Allah: God willing.
jihad: struggle (often armed) in the way of Allah.
khateeb: one who gives the khutba, usually the imam.
khutba: formal sermon before or after a congregational prayer.
mullah: lit. master. Often used pejoratively for ulama.
muttaqi: adjective from taqwa.
gard-i hasana: lit. “beautiful loan”. A loan which is returnable at the convenience of the borrower or not at all.
qir’at: recitation of the Qur’an.
Seerah: Life of the Prophet, upon whom be peace.
tafsir: exegeses of the Qur’an.
taqwa: moral excellence acceptable to Allah. Also fear of Allah, piety.
ulama: persons learned in the sciences of Islam (pl. of alim).
Ummah: world body of Muslims.
wa’z: general speech or lecture given before or after a formal sermon at a prayer meeting.
Dr Kalim Siddiqui - Director of The Muslim Institute


Retrieved from

Daryl's Encyclopaedia



Addendum


Dr Pr Muhammad al-Massari and B.A.Frémaux-Soormally – Trafalgar Square

I have met with our Mujaahid Dr Kalim Siddiqui (RA) many times as well as with many other courageous members of the Majlis al Shura fi Britaniya (Muslim Parliament of Great Britain) like Pr Muhammad Al-Massari (exiled from occupied Arabia), Imâm Muhammad Al-‘Asi (Washington) and Imâm Musa (USA), Brother Ahmed Huber (Switzerland), Dr Yakub Zaki (James Dickie from Scotland) at the Muslim Parliament Conferences and have been promoting their works (as well as those of our wonderful Brother Minister Louis Farrakhan’s video conferences with minor edits because of our unfortunate doctrinal differences) for some two decades, but never found a single Muslim or Muslimah who was interested in them either in France, Belgium, Switzerland, England or Mauritius.  Dr Ghayasuddin Siddiqui (not a relative of Dr Kalim) who replaced him as leader of the now defunct “Muslim Parliament”, has turned traitor and with other traitors bows down to the British establishment and he was co-founder with his acolyte Dr Shaaz Mahboob of the bogus “British Muslims for Secular Democracy” (BMSD), another government front used to control genuine grassroots Muslim activism.  One of the trustees of the BMSD is woman journalist and media commentator YasminAlibhai-Brown from the very secretive and dangerous Sect of the Ismailis (Sect of the Assassins) with other (most probably) infiltrators or British spies.

Our very beautiful Imâm Musa in front of the United States Capitol building


Dr Yakub Zaki has been interviewed many times by Daryl Bradford Smith of The French Connection website (iamawitness.com)

Check out our hard-hitting interviews and news items at the main page for The French Connection
 
BAFS
Sunday 8th of January 2012

Wednesday, 21 September 2011


DR KALIM SIDDIQUI'S AND SHEIKH IMRAN HOSSEIN'S VISION FOR ORTHODOX MUSLIMS AND ORTHODOX CHRISTIANS

 DR KALIM SIDDIQUI'S AND SHEIKH IMRAN HOSSEIN'S VISION FOR ORTHODOX MUSLIMS AND ORTHODOX CHRISTIANS


 Published on 19 Dec 2013

Traduction IMRANHOSEINFR: http://youtu.be/RN1HzpicCnk



  Avec Alexandre Douguine, Russie, Moscou,

En Juin 2013, à l'université d'Etat de Moscou, eu lieu un colloque composé d'intellectuels russes dont notamment le théoricien, sociologue, polyglotte et chrétien orthodoxe, Alexandre Douguine (Alexandr Dugin) et le Sheikh Imran Hosein, érudit musulman spécialisé en Economie et en Eschatologie Islamique.

Autour d'un échange intellectuel convivial sur la politique internationale à la lumière des eschatologies islamique et chrétienne orthodoxe, les penseurs présents mettront en évidence les corrélations et points de convergences entre les prophéties tant attendues par les musulmans et les chrétiens orthodoxes, notamment la Conquête de Constantinople pour les musulmans, le retour du Siège pour les chrétiens orthodoxes, la Cathédrale Aya Sophia de Constantinople, qui fut transformée en Mosquée lors de la chute de l'empire byzantin par les khalifs Ottomans et transformée ensuite en Musée.

Une rencontre qui rappelle l'alliance entre le monde musulman et chrétien orthodoxe que le Prophète (pbsl) prophétisa, et pour laquelle, notre honorable Sheikh Imran Hosein, combat !

Fraternellement,
INHFR

Facebook INHFR: http://www.facebook.com/inhfr
Site INHFR: http://imranhosein.fr



  

Dr Kalim Siddiqui

Biography

- 02.10.2008, 04:30:29

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Dr Kalim Siddiqui
DR KALIM SIDDIQUI was one of the leading intellectuals and Islamic movement activists of the modern era.
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DR KALIM SIDDIQUI was one of the leading intellectuals and Islamic movement activists of the modern era. As Founder and Director of the Muslim Institute, London, he played a leading role in developing the political understanding and thought of the contemporary Islamic movement, and in globalizing the movement after the Islamic Revolution in Iran. He also founded and led the Muslim Parliament of Great Britain, which was a radical new sort of Muslim community institution when it was inaugurated in 1992.

Dr Kalim Siddiqui combined intellectual insight and understanding with movement activism and political leadership. Intellectually, his major contribution was to the political thought of the Islamic movement, in a series of papers published in the 1970s and 1980s, which presented radical and revolutionary in a way which ordinary Muslims found accessible and easy to understand. His intellectual work culminated in his paper Processes of Error, Deviation, Correction and Convergence in Muslim Political Thought (1989) and his last book, Stages of Islamic Revolution (1996). When he passed away in South Africa in 1996, he was working on a new project on political dimensions of the Seerah. His final paper on this subject was published after his death by the Institute of Contemporary Islamic Thought (ICIT).

The two major institutions he founded and worked through, the Muslim Institute, London, and the Muslim Parliament of Great Britain, both declined after his death. However, the ICIT was established in 1998 by some of his closest colleagues and associates, including Zafar Bangash (now Director of the ICIT), Imam Mohammed Al-Asi, and his son, Iqbal Siddiqui, to continue his intellectual work for the Islamic movement.

Kalim Siddiqui was born in British India on September 15, 1931. His family were small land-owners in the United Provinces (now Uttar Pradesh), but his father worked as a sub-inspector of police. He first became politically aware and active as a teenager at boarding school in Faizabad in 1944-45. At this time, he became a student activist of the Muslim League during the Pakistan movement.

The Islamic symbolism the Muslim League used to mobilise the Muslim masses of India was one of the major attractions to him. He had received a six-volume set of Seerat-un Nabi by Shibly Nomani and Sayyid Sulaiman Nadwi as a gift from a teacher when he was 12, and considered the life and example of the Prophet as his inspiration from that time onwards.

He moved to Karachi in 1948, a few months after the partition of British India and the establishment of Pakistan. There his political maturity grew and he realized that the new State was little more Islamic than British India had been. As a student, he was active in a Khilafat Group dedicated to establishing khilafah in Pakistan, and founded and edited a popular political newspaper The Independent Leader.

He came to Britain in 1954 to study journalism. Other members of the Khilafat Group also came to London at about the same time. The was to learn skills which they could put to use for the movement back in Pakistan. But in London the group broke up as differences emerged between them and some members became more interested in developing their careers.

The young Kalim meanwhile was proving a natural at journalism. Starting at the Kensington News in west London, he gradually worked his way up the journalistic ladder through a series of local and provincial newspapers. In 1964, shortly after moving to Slough, where he lived for the rest of his life, he joined the Guardian as a sub-editor.

At the same time, he decided to build upon the limited education he had received in India and Karachi. He did O-levels and A-levels at evening school before going on to study International Relations at University College, London, and then completing a PhD in 1972. Throughout his student career, he also continued to work full-time to support himself and his family.

Throughout this period, however, he also remained involved in both Islamic affairs generally and Pakistani affairs in particular, and the thinking which was to form the basis of his future work was developed.

During the late sixties, he returned to Pakistan, where he worked as a foreign correspondent for the Guardian and did fieldwork for his doctorate, which was later published as Functions of International Conflict -- a socio-economic study of Pakistan. Shortly afterwards, the East Pakistan war began and Bangladesh was created. It was during this period that he wrote his book Conflict, Crisis and War in Pakistan (1972), and that the first steps towards the establishment of the Muslim Institute were taken.

In hindsight, the establishment of the Muslim Institute in 1973 can be seen as the beginning of his main work; everything that led to this phase in his life was merely a prologue.

The establishment and early years of the Institute

The Muslim Institute was established in 1973-74, by a group of young Muslims that came to be known as the Preparatory Committee of the Muslim Institute. This group emerged from meetings of Muslim students and others in London University in 1972 onwards. The meetings began with an invitation to Dr Siddiqui to address a meeting of Pakistani students at University College, London, shortly after the publication of Conflict, Crisis and War in Pakistan. The invitation was from Zafar Bangash, then an engineering undergraduate, later one of Dr Kalim's closest colleagues, and now Director of the ICIT.

Shortly after these meetings began, Dr Siddiqui was awarded his PhD and started teaching International Relations at the University of Southern California's European teaching programme in West Germany. At the same time, he also remained on the staff of the Guardian. Nonetheless, the meetings continued, moving from London University to Dr Siddiqui's home in Slough when Zafar Bangash graduated and left UCL.

The subject of these talks was initially the state of Pakistan, recently torn apart by the 1971 war and the creation of Bangladesh. The group's initial was to establish a 'Pakistan Research and Planning Institute' (PRPI). But Kalim Siddiqui had always thought in broader terms than just Pakistan.

The Muslim Institute for Research and Planning

In July 1973, Dr Kalim was invited to attend an International Islamic Youth Conference convened by Colonel Mu'ammar Qaddafi in Tripoli. There Dr Kalim met Muslims from all parts of the world and discussed his with them. Among them were two South African Muslims who were to remain life-long friends of Dr Kalim and supporters of the Muslim Institute. These were Abu Bakr Mohamad of Durban and Ismail Kalla of Pretoria, at whose home he was to pass away over 20 years later.

He was so inspired the experience that within weeks of returning, he had written a book about it. This book, Towards a New Destiny, was a critique of Qaddafi's thinking and a plea for a new intellectual movement among Muslims. It provides a remarkable insight to Dr Kalim's thinking at time of the establishment of the Muslim Institute. He also took the same to the Preparatory Committee. The Pakistan Research and Planning Institute became instead the Muslim Institute for Research and Planning (MIRAP); the precise was suggested by Amir Ahmad, a long- standing friend of Dr Kalim. From then on, the focus of discussion became the writing of the Draft Prospectus of the Muslim Institute.

This was written by Dr Kalim but discussed in detail at meetings of the Preparatory Committee. Zafar Bangash has described it as "perhaps the most thoroughly debated and discussed document I have ever known". The writing of the Draft Prospectus took over six months; the text was finally approved and sent to press early in February 1974. Where Towards a New Destiny was an intensely personal work, the Draft Prospectus is a cold, crystal clear presentation of Dr Kalim's understanding and>

This can be summarised as laying the intellectual and practical ground-work for a future generation to re-establish the civilizational power of Islam through a series of Islamic revolutions.

Among the insights in these works which were radical at the time was that the west was totally and irredeemably an enemy of Islam; that no solutions to the problems of Islamic civilization could be based on western that western-educated Muslims were not equipped to lead the Ummah and could only contribute by acting in partnership with traditional scholars of Islam, the ulama; and that no quick fixes could be found for problems which had been almost 1400 years in the making. One of the remarkable features of the laid out in the Draft Prospectus of the Muslim Institute is that not one of them has been proven wrong by over 20 years of some of the most radical possible changes in the Muslim situation.

A few days after the Draft Prospectus of the Muslim Institute was finalized, Kalim Siddiqui suffered his first heart attack. He was seriously ill for many months and was to suffer from heart trouble for the rest of his life. Even then, in 1974, doctors advised him to retire from all forms of work and accept a full disability pension.

Instead, he resigned from the Guardian and the University of Southern California and committed himself fully to the Muslim Institute. He was determined not to waste whatever time he had left, but to fit in as much work for the Islamic movement in as possible. This was the attitude to his health he was to maintain over the next 22 years -- through two more heart attacks and two by-pass operations, in 1981 and 1995 -- as can be seen in his foreword to his final book, Stages of Islamic Revolution (1995).

Dr Kalim's work in the early years of the Institute

Over the next few years, he travelled the world, explaining and discussing his with Muslims everywhere and promoting the and work of the Muslim Institute. The Institute organised seminars and teaching courses, and published books and academic papers. By 1978, it was well-enough established to move out of Dr Siddiqui's home into offices at 6 Endsleigh Street, in Bloomsbury, the intellectual heart of London.

The same year, Dr Ghayasuddin Siddiqui gave up his teaching career to join the Institute full-time as Assistant Director, and Dr Kalim became Director of the Muslim Institute. Dr Ghayasuddin was Dr Kalim's right-hand man for the rest of his life and succeeded him as both Director of the Muslim Institute and Leader of the Muslim Parliament of Great Britain. (Unfortunately, for a number of reasons that are not relevant here, both the Institute and the Parliament were to decline rapidly following Dr Kalim's passing. Neither now exists in any substantial or meaningful form.)

But Kalim Siddiqui's main interest was still in political thought, and the Institute's work remained predominantly in this direction. Two major papers prepared by Dr Kalim for conferences during the seventies remain important today. These are The Islamic Movement: A Systems Approach (1976) and Beyond the Muslim Nation-States (1977).

In these papers he developed major aspects of his political thinking. In The Islamic movement: a systems approach he hypothesised the existence of a global Islamic movement dedicated to re-establishing the civilizational power of Islam, and explored aspects of its work.

In Beyond the Muslim nation-States (1977), he critiqued both the existing political order in the Muslim world and Muslim attempts to emulate western social science, particularly political science. Both studies led him to similar conclusions: that, in the words of The Islamic movement: A Systems Approach, "the first priority... must be the development of integrated academic disciplines of economics, politics, and sociology, and alternative operational models for a future civilization of Islam."

Both these papers were presented at Islamic conferences convened by Saudi institutions in Saudi Arabia. Nonetheless, Dr Kalim did not hesitate to describe the existing Muslim states as illegitimate and un-Islamic. This is indicative of both Dr Kalim's own personality (he once commented that it was a wonder that he ever got invited to conferences after what he did to Qaddafi in Towards a New Destiny!) and of the state of the Muslim world at the time, when Muslim governments felt totally unthreatened by such as those of Kalim Siddiqui and the Muslim Institute.

Less than two years after Dr Kalim wrote that the challenge facing Muslims was to build a platform from which a future generation can make its escape, (Beyond the Muslim Nation-States), came the event which was to change both Dr Kalim's own life and the course of modern Muslim history: the Islamic Revolution in Iran.

The Impact of the Islamic Revolution

The Islamic Revolution in Iran surprised a lot of people. In September 1978, just four months before the Shah fled Iran, US president Jimmy Carter described his regime as an island of stability in a sea of turbulence . Dr Kalim had visited Iran in early 1978 and knew a number of active Iranian students in London. But he too saw little sign of a revolutionary movement with the potential to establish Islamic rule.

He later said that he realised that something very special was happening in Iran when he first saw Imam Khomeini on television. He realised immediately that this was no sham revolutionary educated in London, Harvard or the Sorbonne; this was a leader of Islam whose roots lay in the political traditions of Islam itself.

At the same time, he was shocked by the negative reaction to the revolution among many of the Muslims he knew on the Saudi 'conference circuit'. These were men who had talked a good fight during the 1970s but then tried to ignore the Islamic Revolution in Iran for fear of losing their Saudi patronage.

Dr Kalim, by contrast, threw himself into both studying and serving the new Islamic state. He recognised that this was possibly the breakthrough in Islamic history that he had expected to come decades in the future. But he also realised, as he said later, that the breakthrough could prove transitory, and he was determined to capture as much of its light as possible in case it did not last.

At the same time, he was aware that academic study of the new phenomenon was not sufficient; as a Muslim, it was his duty to help the embryonic Islamic state to survive the massive pressures being put on it by its enemies.

As a result, Dr Kalim visited Iran several times to see and understand the Revolution. The Muslim Institute also arranged a lecture course in London by Hamid Algar, translator of Imam Khomeini's writings into English. Dr Kalim and other Institute members also toured Britain, the US and other countries, addressing meetings to explain the true significance of events in Iran to excited but often uninformed Muslim audiences.

Dr Kalim's developing understanding of the Islamic Revolution can be traced through his writings of this period. These include The State of the Muslim World Today (1979) and The Islamic Revolution: Achievements, Obstacles and Goals (1980).

At the same time, Dr Kalim's insight into the broader historical situation was helping Iranians to understand the true depth of their own revolution. His insight into the nature of the revolution and the problems it faced can be gauged by his reaction to Imam Khomeini's appointment of Abol Hasan Bani-Sadr as president. Dr Kalim's comment: "The Imam will have to dismiss this man!"

Dr Kalim was to remain a close friend and supporter of the Islamic State of Iran for the rest of his life. He regarded this as the only possible relationship any Muslim could have with a genuine Islamic state. The relationship was often rocky; many Iranians did not like his regular criticisms of government policy, or his understanding of the Revolution as Islamic and relevant to all Muslims. Many Iranians would have preferred the revolution to have been purely Irani and Shi'a. But there were also many Iranians who held Dr Kalim in great esteem and affection, as was witnessed by the reaction to news of his death.

Dr Kalim always maintained that the limitations of Iranian functionaries and bureaucrats could be overcome provided the leadership remained committed to the global Islamic movement. He never met Imam Khomeini, but developed a personal relationship with Imam Sayyid Ali Khamanei, based on the Imam's admiration for Dr Kalim's last major paper, Processes of error, deviation, correction and convergence in Muslim political thought (1989). Dr Kalim considered this relationship the greatest possible honour in the last years of his life.

Crescent International and the global Islamic movement

Immediately after the Islamic Revolution in Iran, Dr Kalim realised that one of its effects would be to give a tremendous boost to the Islamic movement whose existence he had hypothesised in the 1970s. Under the leadership of Islamic Iran, he hoped that this boost would prove sufficient to create a genuine, functional global Islamic movement rather than the theoretical one he had previously written about.

One of his immediate objectives, therefore, became to aid the emergence of this new, global Islamic movement. To do this, he teamed the Muslim Institute up with a Canadian Muslim newsmagazine, the Crescent International. This was a community magazine in Toronto, founded in 1972 by Lateef and Zahida Owaisi. Since 1975, it had been edited by Zafar Bangash, who had been a leading member of the Muslim Institute Preparatory Committee in London. He was also writing in support and defence of the Islamic Revolution in Iran during this period. In August 1980, Crescent was taken over by the Muslim Institute.

The Crescent International has been the major newsmagazine of the revolutionary Islamic movement ever since. In the early years, the bulk of its copy was written by Dr Kalim. Later, editorial responsibilities passed to Zafar Bangash, who gave up his engineering career to run the paper. For a four-year period from 1987 to 1991, an Arabic edition was produced under the Al-Hilal al-Dawli. The impact of these magazines has been far out of proportion to their circulation and readership.

Other Muslim Institute efforts to serve the Islamic movement included the Muslimedia news syndication service (1981-91) and a popular annual anthology series Issues in the Islamic Movement, seven volumes of which were published from 1982 to 1989. These brought together major writings on the Islamic movement and Muslim current affairs from Crescent, Muslimedia and other sources.

Because of financial and other restrictions, many of these publications have had to be closed down. But the Crescent International survives and is keenly read by Muslim academics and activists all over the world, despite being banned in numerous Muslim countries. It is now edited by Iqbal Siddiqui, and works closely with the ICIT.

Muslim Institute Conferences and Seminars

The other main way in which the Muslim Institute worked to bring together and consolidate the new global Islamic movement was by a series of world conferences and seminars in London during the 1980s. These were on difference themes relating to the Islamic movement and the contemporary Muslim situation.

The first of these, on the Political Dimensions of the Hajj, was in 1982. It was followed by seminars on State and Politics in Islam (1983), The Islamic Revolution in Iran (1984), What Future for Pakistan? (1984), The Impact of Nationalism on the Ummah (1985), Muslim Political Thought during the Colonial Period (1986), The Future of the Haramain (1988), The Implications of the Rushdie Affair (1989) and The Future of Muslims in Britain (1990).

These combined serious intellectual discussions on matters central to the work of the global Islamic movement, with unique opportunities for intellectuals and activists from the Islamic movement to come together. Among the many senior people who attended these conferences were Shaikh Fadhlullah of Lebanon, Shaikh Omar Abdul Rahman of Egypt, Shaikh Assad al-Tamimi of Palestine, Muallim Ibrahim Zakzaki of Nigeria, Shaikh Muhammad al-Asi of the USA and numerous senior ulama from Islamic Iran.

Following the establishment of the Muslim Parliament, such seminars on global issues continued to be held, but under the Muslim Parliament banner instead of that of the Muslim Institute. The two major conferences held in this period were on Bosnia and the Global Islamic Movement (1993) and Hiroshima to Sarajevo: Fifty Years of the United Nations (1995).

It is, therefore, wholly appropriate that the two institutions should have come together to convene a Memorial Conference, In Pursuit of the Power of Islam, as a tribute to Dr Kalim in November 1996. Unfortunately, this proved to be virtually the last effectively project run by them before the new leadership, following Dr Kalim's death, proved unable to sustain the institutions.

The Muslim Institute's overseas activities

During the 1970s, Dr Kalim had established contacts, friends and supporters all over the world. After the Islamic Revolution, he found that many of these people shared his understanding of the vision of the significance of the Islamic Revolution in Iran and his commitment to serving the embryonic Islamic movement.

Since the Revolution, therefore, the Muslim Institute has directly or indirectly established operations in a number of other countries, including Canada, South Africa, Pakistan, Malaysia and India. These have included publishing and distribution of Crescent International, Muslimedia, Al-Hilal al-Dawli and local newspapers; publication of books and videos; and the holding of seminars and lectures.

The Muslim Institute has also been active in other countries where the political situation is such that details cannot be given. Dr Kalim Siddiqui, his books and the Crescent International were banned in some Muslim countries. The Institute's work also included more direct assistance to Islamic movements, some of which are suppressed and underground in their own countries

"Salman Rushdie," Dr Kalim often said, "ruined my life." Until the Rushdie affair, Dr Kalim's work, even in support of the Islamic movement, was primarily academic and intellectual. He was largely insulated from the gaze of the wider British community, except when he was invited by the media, as an academic expert, to give an Islamic perspective on current news stories. His defence of Imam Khomeini's fatwa changed all that.

Before the Imam gave his fatwa in February 1989, Dr Kalim was not unaware of the Rushdie controversy, but had taken no major role in it. While it was undeniably serious, Dr Kalim took the view that campaigning for a ban on The Satanic Verses would be a major and pointless distraction from the main work of the Muslim Institute, and would serve only to give the book more status and publicity than it deserved.

That assessment changed with the Imam's fatwa. Dr Kalim was actually in Tehran when the fatwa was issued, leading to reports that he prompted it. This is an exaggeration of his role. In fact, he was at Tehran Airport when Dr Khatami, then the Minister of Islamic Guidance, later president of the Islamic Republic, came to meet him and asked what he knew about Rushdie and his book. Dr Kalim explained the situation to him and Dr Khatami left. Later the same day, back in his hotel as his flight had been cancelled, Dr Kalim heard that the Imam had issued his fatwa.

When he finally landed in London, the establishment, the literati and the media were up in arms. The British Muslim community, whose previous protests had been largely ignored, was under siege. This was a radically different situation to that which had earlier existed and demanded a radically different response. Dr Kalim became the community's champion against hysterical media and establishment attacks. The controversy raged for months and continues, on a smaller scale, to this day.

Dr Siddiqui's position remained precisely the same throughout. The fatwa had been pronounced by the Imam of the only Islamic state of the day and was therefore legally binding on all Muslims. However, Muslims in Britain had, under Islamic law, a prior and higher commitment to the law of the land in which they lived as a minority and therefore could not execute the fatwa in Britain. But such was Muslim anger at Rushdie's offence that there remained the possibility that some over-zealous Muslim might execute the fatwa nonetheless; therefore Rushdie would not be safe on Britain's streets.

Even as he was travelling from newsroom to studio, giving interview after interview representing the Muslim position on Rushdie, however, Dr Kalim was planning ahead also. He had always taken a keen interest in community affairs. Now he put the considerable intellectual assets of the Muslim Institute to considering the situation of Muslims in Britain.

The result was The Muslim Manifesto. This was published in 1990, at a Muslim Institute conference on 'The Future of Muslims in Britain' and laid out both the problems facing Muslims here and the duties and responsibilities the Muslim community had living in a non-Muslim country. The Muslim Manifesto was to become the foundation document of the Muslim Parliament of Great Britain.

The Muslim Parliament -- a minority political system for Muslims in Britain

The Muslim Parliament of Great Britain was inaugurated on January 4, 1992, after nearly 18 months of intensive groundwork following the publication of the Muslim Manifesto. Along with the Muslim Institute, the Muslim Parliament is one of the two major institutions which Dr Kalim established to pursue his vision and which he has left as his legacy for the Muslim Ummah.

It is often said that the community work which is the main focus of the Muslim Parliament was a new direction for Dr Kalim. That this is not true can be seen by any perusal of his writings. The problems facing Muslims living as minorities in western countries is a theme from his earliest book on Muslim political thought, Towards a New Destiny (1973). In this book, he said that the challenge facing Muslim minorities was two-fold: to survive uncontaminated as Muslims in a hostile environment, and to contribute fully to the global Ummah's struggle to re-establish Islam as a civilizational force for good in the world.

Precisely the same points emerged again in his writings on the Muslim Parliament, particularly Generating 'Power' without Politics ( 1990) and The Muslim Parliament of Great Britain -- political innovation and adaptation, his opening speech at the inauguration of the Muslim Parliament (1992). Dr Kalim argued that to survive as Muslims in this country, the community must develop its own institutions capable of meeting its needs in every area without dependence on the British state or government. He particularly opposed direct involvement in mainstream British politics, saying that Muslims could only exercise influence here by becoming strong outside the system and exerting pressure on the system from outside.

Immediately after its inauguration, the Muslim Parliament set to work undertaking further research into the conditions and needs of Muslims in Britain, and established projects to improve their situation in important areas. These have included education, poverty, unemployment, anti-Muslim discrimination, the state of the community's mosques, and the halal meat trade. Much of this research was done by Jahangir Mohammed, Dr Kalim's Deputy as Leader of the Muslim Parliament from 1993 onwards.

In 1993, the Muslim Parliament established a registered charity, the Bait al-Mal al-Islami, to finance and administer those parts of its work which are charitable under British law. The Bait al-Mal has established welfare provisions for deprived families and those suffering from hardship, and assistance schemes for students from poor backgrounds.

Another major area of work has been education. Dr Kalim always maintained that education was the only way of breaking the cycle of poverty and social deprivation which has kept British Muslims poor and exploited at the bottom of Britain s socio-economic ladder. While the education debate among Muslims in this country concentrated on obtaining government funding for the handful of Muslim schools, the Muslim Parliament has always taken the view that the immediate need is for supplementary education to help Muslim children in state schools.

The third major institution of the Muslim Parliament network has been the Halal Food Authority, which was established in 1994 to monitor and regulate the halal meat trade in Britain, which unfortunately is largely fraudulent. Muslim Parliament research indicates that less than 20 percent of meat sold as 'halal' really is halal. This was an area particularly close to Dr Kalim's heart. The HFA established a network of approved abbatoirs and shops to provide the community with the only independently certified halal meat in Britain.

At the same time, the Muslim Parliament worked to help Muslims and the global Islamic movement overseas in their struggles. Some Muslims argued that the Parliament should concentrate on local issues and that taking a strong position on international issues would make it more difficult to work in Britain, but Dr Kalim never accepted this position, saying that Muslims in Britain had a responsibility to the global Islamic movement.

Central to this work has been the Muslim Parliament's work in support of Bosnia.. The Muslim Parliament's World Conference on Bosnia and the global Islamic movement (November 1993) contributed to the understanding of events there, and led to the establishment of the Arms for Bosnia Fund at a time when most Muslims were concentrating only on humanitarian work. Dr Kalim took a particular interest in this fund, and its successor, the Jihad Fund, used to help Muslim mujahideen in many parts of the world.

Dr Kalim's writings and>

Dr Kalim was always a writer by nature. His first job in Karachi was as founder-editor of the student newspaper The Leader. In London, he moved rapidly up the journalistic ladder, until he was a sub-editor on the national paper The Guardian. Although he then went into academia, he was not averse to returning the journalism when the Muslim Institute took over the Crescent International. For some time after the transformation of the Crescent from a community paper in Toronto to a newsmagazine of the global Islamic movement, he was effectively its editor-in-chief and main writer. He continued to write regularly for it for the rest of his life.

He also wrote a large number of books and papers. His first published book was Conflict, Crisis and War in Pakistan (1972). His PhD thesis was published as Functions of International Conflict -- a socio-economic study of Pakistan in 1975 . But by this time, his attention had shifted from Pakistan to the world of Islam as a whole; his first book on Muslim political thought was Towards a New Destiny (1973). From then on he produced books and papers on aspects of the global Islamic movement with remarkable regularity throughout his life. The most important of these have now been compiled by Zafar Bangash as In Pursuit of the Power of Islam (London: The Open Press, 1996).

The Draft Prospectus of the Muslim Institute (1974) presented the understanding of the Muslim historical situation with which he launched his work and, together with Towards a New Destiny, is essential reading to understanding his life's work. After the Islamic Revolution, his understanding of it developed in a series of writings through the 1980s, including his papers to the Muslim Institute seminars and his introductions to the Issues in the Islamic Movement series (1982-89).

The culmination of his writings and political thought was the paper Error, Deviation, Correction and Convergence in Muslim Political Thought, written in 1989-90. In this, he presented his understanding of the process of Muslim history, how things had gone wrong after the rightly-guided khulafa, why the initial breakthrough in Muslim political thought had come in Shi'a Iran, and what Muslims in other countries must do to establish Islamic rule in their own countries. The argument was warmly welcomed and endorsed by Imam Khamanei himself.

The main which emerges from all his writings is that the civilizational power of Islam needs to be re-asserted at every level. However, he does not expect this to be an overnight development; the problems of 1400 years cannot be solved quickly. The basic requirement is for Muslim scholars and intellectuals to re-write Muslim political thought on the basis of Islamic traditions and scholarship rather than western ones, and use this new Muslim political thought as the basis for a new civilization of Islam.

He also hypothesised the global Islamic movement long before its emergence after the Islamic Revolution, and commented on its nature and development throughout the eighties and nineties. He was particularly interested in the practical aspects of a functioning, global Islamic movement in a world totally dominated by western mechanisms of control. This was the subject of his The Islamic Movement -- A Systems Approach (1976), written well before Iran's Islamic Revolution. He developed his on the global Islamic movement in post-revolutionary writings, culminating in his final book Stages of Islamic Revolution (1996), which he described as 'a handbook for Islamic activists'. The first edition of this was rushed into print in South Africa to coincide with the conference in April 1996; he was thus able to see it before his death.

Any understanding of Dr Kalim's work must start with his writings. Stages of Islamic Revolution is crucial for this. Zafar Bangash s compilation of his major writings from 1973 to 1992, In Pursuit of the Power of Islam, is also of tremendous importance. A compilation of Dr Kalim's writings in Crescent International is also under preparation.

The way forward: Dr Kalim's legacy

Dr Kalim Siddiqui will be remembered as both an intellectual and an activist. In his own life, he was probably known best for his establishment of the Muslim Institute and the Muslim Parliament. The fact that both these institutions have virtually disappeared under the leadership that took over after his death is a tragedy. The ICIT is committed, however, to continuing the work of the Muslim Institute, and ensuring at least that the principles of the Muslim Parliament are not forgotten just because of management failures.

But Dr Kalim's and writings as important as his institutions, and it may well prove that the cold, calm light of hindsight will make them better understood and appreciated after his death than they were during his lifetime. Dr Kalim was never a man to sit back and contemplate the world around him. His commitment was to the Islamic movement and he understood that all his intellectual work must be such as to contribute to the ongoing work of the movement at the ground level.

His most important legacy, however, may well prove to be his example. Few people have ever demonstrated the sort of commitment and dedication to the work of Islam that he did. Through years of ill-health, and numerous other kinds of problems and pressures, he always kept his eyes firmly on the goal on the horizon and worked towards it. Nothing ever got in the way of his next important task, his next goal. He was also a man who inspired those around him to make similar sacrifices in pursuit of the same vision, and leaves behind him a team of people all over the world whose commitment is to exactly the same work.

The fact that vitually all of these people are now working with the Institute of Contemporary Islamic Thought (ICIT) is one of the ICIT's greatest assets. Such people include Zafar Bangash (formerly Assistant Director of the Muslim Institute and editor of Crescent International), Dr Maqsood Ali Siddiqi (a Trustee of the Muslim Institute), and Haroon Kalla (formerly Deputy Leader of the Muslim Parliament); Imam Mohammed Al-Asi and Imam Abdul Alim Musa in the US; Dr Perwez Shafi in Pakistan; and numerous others all over the world. The onus on us now is to ensure that the work of Dr Kalim continues and provides precisely the sort of foundation for building a new civilization of Islam that he envisaged, insha'Allah.

isra haber


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« Nous allons maintenant décrire des événements incroyables, qui sont encore en train de se dérouler dans le monde, et qui tous se rapportent à la Terre Sainte. Ces événements ne peuvent être expliqués sans recourir aux prophéties du Prophète Muhammad sur les “Signes de la Dernière Heure”, et en particulier à ses prophéties qui ont trait à l’arrivée des “gens de Dajjāl”, c’est-à-dire Gog et Magog. […] Le Coran nous a informés qu’Allah le Très-Haut fera en sorte qu’un jour un important conflit conçu par Gog et Magog ait lieu. […] Ce Malhama (Armageddon) est maintenant si proche que les enfants qui sont aujourd’hui à l’école vivront assez longtemps pour le voir. Les événements que l’on voit surgir dans le monde trouvent parfois leurs racines bien loin de la surface agitée aux yeux des peuples. »

Gog et Magog ! Voilà des figures bien mystérieuses dont on ne sait, avant d’avoir lu ce livre, si elles font partie d’une mythologie, d’une démonologie ou simplement de l’humanité. En 2003, George W. Bush, à la veille de lancer ses GI’s sur l’Irak, et cherchant un moyen de faire changer d’avis la France, qui avait refusé de participer à cette première opération mettant en action le Choc des civilisations, téléphona à Jacques Chirac, citant Gog et Magog, pour le mettre en garde et le prévenir de l’importance de prendre parti dans ce combat eschatologique. Intrigués, c’est à un professeur de théologie protestant, de l’université de Lausanne en Suisse, que les conseillers de l’Élysée demandèrent des éclaircissements. Car G. Bush, chrétien évangélique, croit, nous dit ce professeur, « que Dieu sera auprès d’Israël lors de la confrontation finale, donc que les ennemis de ce pays seront dans le camp de l’Antéchrist ». Si Gog et Magog, un regard islamique sur le Monde moderne avait déjà été écrit, c’est avec le plus grand profit que ces messieurs de l’Élysée auraient pu le lire, et peut-être qu’alors un tout autre regard sur ce Choc qui se prépare, aussi bien à l’intérieur des nations qu’entre elles, aurait conduit la France à poursuivre dans la voie qui était alors la sienne, celle de la paix.
Et c’est avec un même profit que chacun lira ce livre, afin de comprendre que les événements que l’on voit surgir dans le monde trouvent parfois leurs racines bien loin de la surface agitée aux yeux des peuples.

Sheikh Imran Hosein est un professeur en sciences islamiques, diplômé de l’Institut des études islamiques Aleemiyah. Il a étudié la philosophie et les relations internationales dans de nombreux instituts ou universités et a travaillé plusieurs années au ministère des Affaires étrangères du gouvernement de Trinité-et-Tobago. Il a vécu plus de dix ans à New York, a enseigné l’islam dans différentes universités, collèges, prisons, etc., aussi bien aux États-Unis qu’au Canada, et a participé à de nombreux dialogues inter-religieux avec le christianisme et le judaïsme. Il a été imam dans une mosquée de Long Island et a dirigé pendant dix ans les prières du vendredi au siège de l’ONU à New York. Il a été directeur de l’Institut des études islamiques Aleemiyah de Karachi, directeur de recherche du Congrès du monde islamique à Karachi également, directeur de l’Institut islamique pour l’éducation et la recherche à Miami, en Floride, et directeur de dawa pour Tanzeem-e-Islami of North America. Il a écrit plus d’une dizaine de livres sur l’islam et a donné de nombreuses conférences partout dans le monde. Né dans les Caraïbes, dans l’île de Trinité, en 1942, il vit et enseigne aujourd’hui à Kuala Lumpur, en Malaisie.

Se procurer Gog et Magog chez Kontre Kulture :

4 comments:

  1. Basheer Ahmad Soormally
    7, Blackberry Road
    Colchester, Essex CO3 5RT

    Wednesday, 10th April 1996
    22 Dhul-Qi'dah 1416 AH

    Dr Kalim Siddiqui
    Leader of the Muslim Parliament
    109, Fulham Palace Road, London W6 8Ja
    Tel: 0181 563 1995 ; Fax: 0181 563 1993

    Dear Brother,

    Assalamu ‘alaykum wa rahmatullahi ta'ala wa barakatuhu.

    Your vision about the situation of our Ummah both in Britain as well as in the rest of the world is 100% exact! If all our Muslim Brothers and Sisters could be made aware of it, and set up their own Majlis al-Shura al-Islami (Parliament) everywhere on our Planet, through the effort of the actual Muslim Parliament of Great Britain, then the West could say goodbye to their dreams and genocidal plans for achieving hegemony. But, of course, you already know that we and all our Brothers and Sisters involved in Jihaad, are already on the death (torture, persecution, imprisonment or whatever) register of all the Western Gestapos, including that of Mossad!

    Please, accept my sincere prayers for a LONG and HEALTHY life, which only Allah gives or takes away. Please, also take great care of your health, for your own sake and for ours. You looked over-worked when we last saw you, my son and I! We desperately need committed Muslims like you and the other Brothers and Sisters, Members of OUR Parliament, and guests we have seen working for the Muslims here. My special thanks to Sister Fahmeeda, and Brothers Jahangir, Yakub and Massoud, may Almighty Allah bless them all!

    I have been out of remunerated work since 1988 when I left Paris for Mauritius, against my will. I am now 50 years old, and living, against my will, in an Islamophobic racist area. As I am 'coloured', Muslim, and a Mujaahid, this represents as many obstacles in my search for a decent (Islamic) work in such a hostile environment, though my main obstacle is purely domestic. Because of that I am not in a position to make my contribution to the funds for our Muslim Parliament. I wish I could contribute, but unfortunately, money-wise, I cannot. It is a pity that so many millions of our Brothers and Sisters are wealthy enough to contribute, (which is their sacred duty), but they have chosen to enrich the West with their work and leisure instead of helping their own Ummah. But, for sure, I can spare at least one full day per week for Jihaad in your company, insha'Allah, and ALL my spare time. I know that you will need all the hands you can get.

    Well, the Secular Judeo-Christians have started (did they ever stop?) their new anti-Islamic crusade; let us prepare ourselves to defend our Ummah with ink, boycott, and blood if necessary. We are not waiting for them to slaughter us one by one and rape our women and babies without putting up a fight! The Ummah, you, and the Muslim Parliament of Great Britain have my FULL support from now on until I go to my grave and that of my thirteen-year-old son when the time comes, insha'Allah.

    You are the BRAVEST living Muslim I have ever met!

    Alhamdulillah! And, this is not meant as a compliment. I LOVE YOU FROM THE BOTTOM OF MY HEART! And, I want you to know it. I sincerely hope that millions others will follow your example, with the help of God, though I always hope they will follow, first and foremost, our Beloved Prophet, sallallalhu alaihi wa sallam, who is the Best Example.

    Jazakum Allahu Khayran, wa assalamu ‘alaykum wa rahmatullahi ta'ala wa barakatuhu.

    A very humble* servant of Allah subhanahu wa Ta'ala

    Basheer Ahmad

    * I hate this term, now that I know what it really means! (9/1/2012)

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  2. Basheer Ahmad Soormally
    London
    Tel. & Fax: 0208 521 59 26
    E-mail: basheer786@netscapeonline.co.uk

    Wednesday, 6th June 2001
    14 Rabi al-Awwal 1422H
    Brother Iqbal Siddiqui
    Slough
    Tel. 01753 523719
    Fax: 01753570231
    E-mail:

    Dear Brother Iqbal,

    Assalamu ‘alaykum wa rahmatullahi ta'ala wa barakatuhu

    It is the first time ever I spoke to Brother Kalim’s wife, your blessed mother, and believe me I was shattered, because since the passing away of your father, rahimahu’llâh, I carried a very heavy heart because our minds and hearts were so close to each other. May Allah subhanahu wa ta’ala grant him peace and all the good in the after-life.

    The last time I saw Brother Kalim would stay for ever in my mind because that day I made one of the biggest mistakes in my life. I spoke to an overworked and very exhausted Brother Kalim and told him that he needed rest. His departure to South Africa was imminent. I asked my son Muhammad Cédric to sit by his side and asked Brother Kalim if I could take a photograph of both of them. He said yes. I took several pictures.

    But I later realised that my film had already been to the end without me realising it. My old camera did not warn when you reached the end of the roll. So, when I received the prints I was very disappointed because there was none of Brother Kalim. It would not have been such a calamity if a few days or weeks later I did not hear that our dear and beloved Brother passed away in South Africa after successfully accomplishing his mission. The loss of Brother Kalim was a terrible shock to me personally because not only did we think alike but I felt also that my heart was also tied to his, even to this day! Five years have gone by and I am still grieving, crying like a child when I think of him although I am a near old man of 55. It is such a tremendous loss to the Global Islamic Movement and to me personally.

    There is nothing to alleviate the pain when I further hear that many of his faithful and loyal soldiers have deserted him when the battle had only just started. I made a solemn pledge to Brother Kalim that I will be faithful and loyal to him, to his ideas, his godly ambition for our Ummah and to his close family. But, since 1997 many things have happened in my life, not necessarily bad, but I separated from my non-Muslim French wife, lost my house and business, but al-hamdu lillâh my son followed me here to London. In or before 1996, I had a few words with Brother Zafar Banghash and even had the intention to join him over there in Canada, but things went worse out here for both me and my son. Now Cédric is 19, and he intends to go to Royal Holloway to study Economics. Once I know that he is settled in his studies, I will be able, insha’Allah, to dedicate more time to the affairs of the Ummah.

    Brother Ghayasuddin Siddiqui with whom I have been in regular contact kindly gave me your telephone number. The only other people I am still in telephone contact with are Brothers Zaki, Huber, Al-Massari and Jahangir. The pain of your father’s passing away has greatly increased because of our soldiers’ mistrust of each other and their eventual splitting (desertion!). The main reason why I had joined the Majlis in its early years was because Muslims from all borders freely joined the Islamic platform, Shias and even Nation of Islam, but it seems that even this mutual tolerance which was a colossal improvement has now completely vanished in the hearts and actions of our Muslim Sisters and Brothers. Recently, Brother Huber told me of the Conference in Beirut but I was not able to make the trip there although I was greatly motivated.

    (continued)

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  3. (continued)

    I wrote a response to one of our Brother Tariq Ramadan’s articles recently published in a French Muslim “non-religious” magazine la Médina, published by Hakim El Ghissassi, an Algerian Brother who I know personally and with whom I am in regular contact, but it was ignored and not published because it was too harsh on our Brother, I was told. My first article published in that magazine was an interview at the House of Lords of our Brother Ahmed Nazir, about Islamic schools. I posted “The Tariq Ramadan Syndrome” in 6 parts on a Mauritian Islamic Forum last year because the Mauritian press including the ‘Muslim press’ there would not allow certain things to be said in their papers. But as soon as the recent visit [16-20 April 2001] to Mauritius of our Brother Tariq was announced, all my postings were removed from the forum, rightly or wrongly Allahu ‘alam!

    Because of my revolutionary nature, I have never voted in my entire life and worked for no government, but I am dedicated to the Global Islamic Movement wherever it is found and whoever leads it, and I am looking forward to work fulltime or part-time for any non-sectarian Islamic Movement. Although my past experience, qualifications and skills are not sensational I am sure I can be of some use to our Ummah other than on the private level. I would be grateful if you could reply to my present letter. Barâkallâhu fîk.

    Enclosed the letter I addressed our Brother Kalim, rahimahu’llâh, back in 1996. Wa assalamu ‘alaykum wa rahmatullahi ta'ala wa barakatuhu


    Your Brother in Islam

    Basheer Ahmad


    N.B. More than 10 years later I am ‘still waiting’ for a reply to my letter. With that kind of soldiers in our ranks our Ummah is not soon to win any war against the enemy!

    Monday 9th January 2012

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  4. Hundreds of thousands of well educated (indoctrinated) so-called Muslims all round the world are gossiping on FACEBOOK ten times a day and they are not interested in the fate of the Ummah or in that of the oppressed of the world at all.

    They have no sense of justice and solidarity at all.

    All they are after is pleasure after pleasure!

    The day this will change, which does not seem likely, it is only then that there will be HOPE for a better future for mankind.

    The oppressed do not have freedom, no food, no drinking water, no natural medicine, and are being terrorised, traumatised, imprisoned, tortured, raped, sodomised, murdered, and most Muslims are growing fat with laziness!

    We live in a very sad world!

    BAFS

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